Descendants of Holocaust Survivors Are Replicating Auschwitz Tattoos on Their Own Bodies

As the Holocaust passes out of living memory, replicating an Auschwitz tattoo becomes an ever more potent gesture about embodied memorialisation and, crucially, familial ties and love.

Rony Cohen doesn’t remember any particular moment when she first became aware of the number tattooed on her grandmother’s arm. It was just always there.

Cohen says she felt as if she had experienced the Holocaust herself, in a different cycle of her own life. It featured in her dreams. It permeated family life, as did the self-imposed interdiction on talking about the past and the absence of relatives. The legacy of starvation was never far from the surface. Food was used to soothe. There was no waste. Her grandfather finished every crumb from every plate.

The impact the Holocaust has had through the generations runs deep. Quite how we remember the past and its legacy varies hugely. Cohen is one of a small but growing number of the children and grandchildren of Holocaust survivors who have replicated the Auschwitz death camp tattoo on their own body.

Auschwitz, in Nazi-occupied Poland, was the only camp where numbers were tattooed on those inmates not selected for immediate death. In replacing the person’s name, this number has become the visual symbol of the crimes of the Nazis.

Cohen draws meaning from her tattoo in that it signifies her grandmother’s history and her own identity as a descendant of Holocaust survivors. To her mind, replicating this number was a means of taking her grandmother, as a person, and her legacy forward. As a gesture and an indelible mark she carries with her, she says: “The number is my grandma. It’s my past, my roots, my story. It’s who I am.”

A potent gesture

My research delves into the stories of those descendants who, like Cohen, have chosen to replicate a parent or a grandparent’s tattoo on their own body. Of the 16 people I have spoken with, 13 are from Israel and three from the US.

As the number of remaining survivors of the Nazi concentration camps grows ever smaller and the Holocaust passes out of living memory, replicating an Auschwitz tattoo becomes an ever more potent gesture about embodied memorialisation and, crucially, familial ties and love.

The people I have spoken with have relayed complex and varied decision-making processes behind this potent gesture. Some waited until their survivor parent or grandparent had died. Some got the tattoo without seeking approval. Others discussed doing so with their relative, beforehand.

A woman in a black shirt and jeans holds out a framed photograph.

Orly Weintraub Gilad with a photograph of her maternal grandparents. Photo: John Jeffay

The replica tattoos they have each opted for vary in terms of font, colour and placement. Some have chosen to replicate exactly what the original looked like and where it was placed. Others have chosen to alter the designs in detail and colour, or to place it on a different part of their body. Each decision crafts the meaning of the new tattoo.

In the summer of 2022, I met with Orly Weintraub Gilad on Zoom. She had chosen to have her maternal grandfather Samuel Kestenbaum’s number tattooed on her arm, but it was also for her maternal grandmother, Agi Kestenbaum. She had been in Auschwitz too, but was not tattooed because she was not expected to live.

Like Cohen, Weintraub Gilad doesn’t remember a specific time when she first noticed her grandfather’s number, but the stories about the Holocaust were a part of her life from childhood. She says her mother, who died eight years before we spoke, used to talk a lot about the Holocaust. “She knew everything,” Weintraub Gilad says.

All four of her grandparents had survived the Holocaust. Her paternal grandparents died when she was in her late teens and even now, she says, her father doesn’t talk about what they experienced. She says that when she asks her father questions, he doesn’t know the answers.

Weintraub Gilad remains very close to her grandmother, who is 95 years old. The tattoo gives her the chance to continue what her mother used to do and talk about the Holocaust. “It starts the conversation and that’s the purpose,” she says, “that’s the thing that my grandmother is so happy about. She knows that after she’s gone, that I will talk.”

The tattoo itself features her grandfather’s number in a nest of leafy green vines. From different vines emerge letters, the initials of the names of Weintraub Gilad’s husband and her children. But the resulting composition is as much about her family’s history as it is about their collective future.

The choice of green vines and leaves came from her love of nature. Her grandfather’s number was on his left arm, but Weintraub Gilad placed her own tattoo on her right arm. She says she wanted “to do it the same but different”. One reason for choosing the right arm was because she did not want to see the number “on the side of the heart”.

That same summer, I spoke with Yair Ron (Reisz), also on Zoom. He grew up in Israel, on a kibbutz founded by Holocaust survivors. “It was a very small community of people with same idea of communism,” he recalls. “All of them were Holocaust survivors, so all of them have numbers.”

Growing up, no one on the kibbutz had grandparents or spoke about their suffering. Ron’s father, Jakub Reisz – whom everyone knew as Yakshi – said nothing about the Holocaust and, like many children of Holocaust survivors, Ron and his sister knew not to ask. Yakshi would talk about helping people escape from Slovakia to Hungary – but he never said a word about what he had experienced.

It was impossible to have a conversation about the Holocaust with my father. We were afraid to ask and afraid to hear. Maybe we didn’t want to hear. And he told us that he don’t want to tell, so we couldn’t exchange any information about the Holocaust whatsoever.

Ron first noticed his father’s number as a child. Just as it was normal not to talk about things – about families, generations, loss – it was also normal to him and his peers that adults had numbers on their bodies. Until he started venturing out into the local town as a teenager, he didn’t really meet people from outside of the kibbutz – adults, that is, who didn’t have numbers.

It seemed very natural to us that adults had numbers so we didn’t pay very much attention to this. We didn’t know other adults or people without numbers. The kibbutz was far away in the mountain, it was very isolated.

A man in a uniform holds up his arm.

Yair Ron bears his father’s number on his arm. Photo: John Jeffay

It was only after Yakshi’s death that Ron started to piece together his story. Coming across a letter and diary that a friend of his father’s had written, Ron discovered that both men had been deported from Slovakia to Auschwitz. They had then been taken to Nazi-run work camps, from where they were eventually liberated.

After their release, they started their journey back to Slovakia, via Prague. To pass through the British military area without being detained, identification was required. Neither man had any, so they tattooed what looked like Auschwitz numbers on their left arms. Ron shared what he had learned with his family. They were very proud of Yakshi, he says, praising his “creativity and thinking out of the box”.

Ron first thought about getting Yakshi’s number tattooed on his own body when he was around 50 years old, at the turn of the millennium. He discussed it with his father who, like most Holocaust survivors, was strongly opposed to the idea at first.

He says his relationship with his father was not an easy one. There were barriers between them. Ron ascribed these, in part, to Yakshi’s experiences of the Holocaust and the trauma he lived with. But it was more complex than that.

Kibbutzim in the 1950s and 1960s, like the one Ron grew up on, were often organised around collective-socialist principles. Until the 1980s, children were raised separately from their parents and slept in a communal children’s house. Research has shown variable attachment responses among those who grew up in this way – although it found little variation in attachment to fathers, compared with those who grew up in family homes.

Ron wonders, however, whether the fact that he and Yakshi did not enjoy a “normal” relationship is in some part due to growing up this way. Although he saw his father as a good man, the distance between them meant they could not speak about, as he puts it, “real feelings and thoughts”.

Having the number on his own body, Ron says, allowed him to reflect on what it is to live “like a numbered person”. As survivors die out, he dwells on the thought that soon there will be no numbered people. This, to his mind, makes the number an important thing to keep – a tool for keeping the memory alive.

Tattooing in Auschwitz

Serial number tattoos with symbols, shapes or letters were first introduced for prisoners in the Auschwitz concentration camp complex in October 1941. More than 400,000 people would be tattooed there. The exceptions were ethnic Germans, Austrians, police prisoners and Polish prisoners deported from Warsaw during the 1944 uprising – plus Jewish prisoners held for a short time while waiting to be moved to other camps.

Prior to tattoos, identification numbers had been sewn on to the prison uniforms. Soviet prisoners of war were the first group to be tattooed after larger numbers started to die and the other prisoners took the deceased’s clothing, making it impossible to keep accurate records.

Initially, the tattoos were placed on the left side of each prisoner’s chest. Those who did the tattooing used a metal stamp with changeable plates fitted with needles that formed numbers, then rubbed blue ink into the bleeding holes. This technique enabled guards and prisoners to tattoo the number on a prisoner’s body in a single action.

By the spring of 1942, all incoming Jewish prisoners selected for forced labour, rather than immediate death, were tattooed. In place of the metal plate, the tattooists now used a single needle to puncture the number into the prisoner’s skin by hand, then rubbed in the ink.

The numbers were tattooed on the prisoners’ left forearms. Shapes and letters were sometimes also used to differentiate between groups of prisoners. Some Jewish prisoners had a triangle tattooed under their number. Roma and Sinti prisoners had the letter Z appended to their number, the first letter of the (pejorative) German word Zigeuner, used at the time for these communities.

With Hungarian Jews arriving in increasing numbers, new sequences of digits were introduced in May 1944. These began with the number 1 and were prefaced first by the letter A; then, when more were needed, B.

In her 2001 autobiographical book, Still Alive: A Holocaust Girlhood Remembered, German studies scholar and Holocaust survivor Ruth Klüger describes the experience of getting forcibly tattooed in Auschwitz:

[After selection], we got our ID numbers tattooed on our left arms. A few female prisoners had been installed outside the building at a table with the necessary equipment and we stood in line, waiting our turn. The women knew their job, they were very fast. At first it looked as if the black ink would easily wash off, and indeed, water took most of it away, but then the fine points of the number remained: A-3537.

Klüger speaks about “the victims’ skin” saving the Nazis from having to “produce dog tags”. This underlines how dehumanising this Nazi practice of tattooing numbers on inmates was. As the Italian writer and Holocaust survivor Primo Levi puts it in his 1986 book, The Drowned and the Saved:

Its symbolic meaning was clear to everyone: this is an indelible mark, you will never leave here; this is the mark with which slaves are branded and cattle sent to slaughter, and that is what you have become. You no longer have a name; this is your new name.

An embodied public memorial

The Auschwitz number has marked out those who survived by making them ever recognisable to others. It is this recognition that mattered so much to Rony Cohen in getting her own tattoo:

I was proud to take my grandmother with me. To take her childhood, her missing her parents – those moments are in this number. Whenever someone sees it, they know this is Auschwitz. I want it to be noticed and understandable. No one should doubt what it is.

Cohen’s grandmother and great uncle were of the cohort of siblings that have become known as “Mengele twins”. The Nazi physician Josef Mengele had an interest in racial genetics. He first experimented on Roma and Sinti twins in what was known as the “Gypsy camp” in Auschwitz-Birkenau – then on Jewish prisoners who he picked from the Theresienstadt camp-ghetto in Terezín, in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia.

From May 1944, subjects for Mengele’s experiments were also picked from the unloading ramps at Auschwitz. Cohen recalled the story her grandmother had told her, about how she arrived in Auschwitz with her twin brother, aged eight, and her mother and aunts and all the other children of the family:

They saw the smoke from the crematorium. The family was walking and someone was saying: ‘Twins, twins, twins – where’s twins?’

Instead of hiding them, her mother said to her aunts, “Let’s give them the twins”. Her aunts thought she was crazy for suggesting that – but her mother thought she was saving her children. “I’m going to save your life now,” she told her children. “Give mummy a hug and you’re leaving now.” This was the last moment Cohen’s grandmother could remember being with her mother.

Having made it through selection and been forcibly tattooed, twins were sometimes given additional food which helped keep them alive. First-hand accounts describe how Mengele gave his victims chocolate before carrying out the most horrific experiments. He sewed twins’ veins together, injected chemicals into testicles and spines, and inserted large needles into skulls.

In the 1994 book, Anatomy of the Auschwitz Death Camp, a chapter by historian Helena Kubica recounts the testimony of one man, Moshe Ofer, who was imprisoned with his twin brother. His testimony was collected by the Jerusalem tribunal that tried Mengele in absentia in 1985. Mengele killed Ofer’s brother with his experiments.

Ofer describes how, after the experiments, the physician would bring gifts. The horror of that had never left him. “Even today,” he says, “I can see him entering through the door and I am paralysed with fear.”

Cohen’s grandmother similarly recalled Mengele bringing food for the twins. It saved them physically, she said, but the psychological damage was immeasurable. As Cohen puts it:

My grandmother, since the Holocaust, she has a sleeping disorder. In her dreams, her parents come and all the horror comes. She always tells me: ‘I can’t forgive myself that I remember Mengele’s face but I can’t remember my parents’ faces.’

Her brother – Cohen’s great uncle – had his tattoo removed after saving enough money. Her grandmother, by contrast, still bears it on her left arm.

As a child, Cohen would ask questions. Sometimes her grandmother would make out that it was nothing. Sometimes she’d say she would tell her when she was older. Cohen describes herself as stubborn – she just kept asking.

When she was 12 or 13, for a school project on roots, she decided to do a video on her family’s history. Cohen interviewed both her maternal grandparents. Her grandfather she describes as “tough”, with “all the characteristics of a typical survivor”. He was keen that Cohen pass on all the information to her mother because, he said, “Your mum never asked.”

Cohen shared everything with her mother and her uncle – and it finally removed the elephant from the room. It made talking about the Holocaust possible.

At 17, like so many Israelis, Cohen went on a high-school visit to Poland, to the camps and the ghettos. Before leaving on this trip, she went to see her grandfather. He told her that going to Auschwitz would change everything:

When you stand there in those walls and you smell the death smell and you see the gas chamber, you will come back to Israel and you will tell me: ‘I can’t understand.’

“I can’t understand,” Cohen now says. “My grandfather was so right.”

How Holocaust memorialisation has changed

The Auschwitz number tattoo was not always revered. After the second world war, survivors were often stigmatised. Public commemorations celebrated resistance and uprisings. The victims and survivors, by contrast, were portrayed as weak.

That early stigmatisation would follow some survivors throughout their lives, even when public perception started to shift. Some, like Cohen’s great uncle, had their number removed. Others covered it up with long sleeves.

From the early 1960s, as French historian Annette Wieviorka shows in The Era of The Witness (2006), attitudes began to change – partly due to the testimonies heard during the trial of Adolf Eichmann in 1961-62. The author Hannah Arendt reported from the district court in Jerusalem for the New Yorker magazine, thereby giving survivor voices a global platform. The trauma that emerged from Eichmann’s trial reframed survival in itself as something heroic.

A black and white photograph of a court trial.

Adolf Eichmann is sentenced to death in Jerusalem on December 15 1961. Photo: Wikimedia commons

Then, in 1967, Israel responded to threats from Egypt and other neighbouring states with an offensive that allowed it to expand into and occupy the Sinai Peninsula, the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights. Further afield, the conflict – known as the six-day war – built an affinity between Jewish communities in the US and Israel. Many American Jews began to both embrace their European roots and support Zionism.

Wieviorka’s book highlights the third (and ongoing) phase of Holocaust memorialisation – what she terms the “era of the witness”, which emerged in the 1970s. People started collating survivor testimonies, photographs and documentation. Through visits to Poland, to the camps and ghettos, families began to tell their stories.

For some, the visit to Poland triggered the idea of replicating the Auschwitz number on their own body. In the summer of 2022, I spoke with Zeev Forkosh. Now aged 38, he has multiple tattoos – but the idea for his first one came after going to Auschwitz.

The new information Forkosh learned during that trip, about what his grandmother had experienced there, sparked such powerful emotions that he decided to get a Holocaust memorial tattoo. He describes the large Star of David he wears on his back as entwined with “bones, flesh and a lot of clothes, like the Holocaust survivors”.

Next, Forkosh decided to replicate his grandmother’s number on his arm, explaining:

I will never forget this trip, so it’s on my back now. But after a few years, I wanted to be more specific about my grandmother. I told the tattoo artist that this was for [her]. I’m a third generation of a Holocaust survivor. I think it’s the most beautiful tattoo ever.

Talking of this number in terms of beauty underscores how reproducing the tattoo gives it new meaning. It is a gesture that, for Forkosh, turns the visual symbol of a genocide into a symbol of love and legacy, of commemoration and pride.

A close-up of an arm tattoo.

Yair Ron replicated his father’s number exactly. Photo: John Jeffay

This marks a radical shift from survivors’ own relationships with the number. They had no choice in the matter: the tattoo was forcibly placed on their bodies. For some whose descendants suggested replicating it, the answer has always been a categorical “no”. Yair Ron discussed the idea with his father:

I tried to talk to him about the idea that I had to get the tattoo. He did not agree. ‘Why?’ he asked. ‘You don’t need to, it’s not good. Let’s forget everything.’

Ron kept trying: “It took a few years for us to talk about it. And then he agreed for me to do it.”

He gave the tattoo artist a photo of his father’s number. He wanted to replicate it as closely as possible. He wanted people to ask about it, to keep the Holocaust in living memory.

In Ron’s mind, this replicated number represents continuity. It ensures there are still people “walking with the number”. He says he wanted to experience what his father had experienced when his name was taken away.

Similarly, Rony Cohen says that deciding to replicate her grandmother’s tattoo was so “she could walk with me for good – it’s a statement for me”. Cohen too wanted it in the same place as the original, so that everyone understood its meaning. She sees her body as becoming a conduit for her grandmother – a means to keep her legacy and life with her at all times.

In contrast to Ron, though, Cohen did not broach the subject with her grandmother. She just went ahead and got the tattoo, then wore long sleeves at family gatherings – much like some survivors had in previous decades. But for her, covering the tattoo wasn’t because of stigma. Rather, she worried about the reactions it might trigger.

Eventually, Cohen decided to show the number to her grandmother. She videoed her response.

At first, her grandmother asks why Cohen has done it. Then she asks if it hurt. “I don’t want you to do something that hurts,” she says.

“No it didn’t,” Cohen replies.

To which her grandmother asks: “Why?”

Cohen is very clear that getting her tattoo was a personal act, a decision relating to her own history, not to a larger historical one. “I’m not a monument,” she says. “I don’t carry the Jewish nation on my back.”

When the Holocaust passes out of living memory

Museums and memorials all over the world are dedicated to telling the story of the Holocaust. Since 2006, International Holocaust Remembrance Day has been marked every year on January 27.

But despite the proliferation of Holocaust-related art and culture, despite the books laying out the facts, research shows many people are ignorant of what happened. In 2021, the global Holocaust Awareness Survey found large gaps in people’s knowledge.

In the UK, 52% of respondents could not specify that six million Jewish people had been murdered – a number which rose to 56% in Austria and 57% in France. Of the adults surveyed in the US and Canada, 45% and 49%, respectively, were unable to name a concentration camp or a ghetto. Among millennials in the US, only 49% could name a concentration camp or ghetto.

This matters because, as we reach the 79th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz on January 27 1945, there are very few survivors left to give a first-hand account of what was done to them. The Holocaust is passing out of living memory.

For those whose family history is tied up with the Holocaust, memorialising it is both public and private. The tattoo replicating the Auschwitz number is a form of memorial practice that speaks, viscerally, to their own family history – but also to the imperative to never forget.

I spoke with David Rubin in the summer of 2022. He bears his grandmother’s number on his arm, the number depicted as if written on a piece of wood alongside a Star of David, a thorny vine of lilac-coloured flowers entwined around it.

Four of the flowers are open, representing his grandmother, Piroska “Perl” Levy, and her surviving sisters. To the left lie two closed flowers, for her two sisters who were killed. A lone flower completes the floral framing at the bottom, in memory of her brother, also killed.

To Rubin’s mind, his generation is probably the last to speak about this. Getting the tattoo was a means of ensuring that the fourth generation – his children, his grandmother’s great-grandchildren – will know what happened. “I wanted a story, instead of just a number,” he says. The barbed wire has become the thorny vine in flower. “It’s taking the bad thing and [re]creating it as a good thing.”

Memorial tattoos are a way of expressing a life story. They are an external scar that embodies an internal one. The writer Eva Hoffman notes that even where there are silences in how families, including her own, reckon with their traumatic past, the “language of the body” still breaches those silences. It keeps the unspoken past ever present.

While descendants of Holocaust survivors did not experience the trauma directly, the intergenerational trauma is long-lasting. Rony Cohen was not the only grandchild of a survivor who told me they dream or have nightmares about the Holocaust.

In doing these interviews, I have found that replicating the Auschwitz tattoo is an expression of the love felt towards the survivor relative, and a way of keeping the memory of the Holocaust alive. It is an act of reclaiming a painful family history. And for some, it is about connections to a collective identity.

In this way, it is about the future too. When there are no more survivors to share their stories, these descendants who bear on their living bodies the numbers once forcibly tattooed on their relatives will stand as a living reminder of where racism and hatred can lead.

Alice Bloch, Professor of Sociology, University of Manchester

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Genders of Atrocity: Before Lynndie England There Was Ilse Koch

It is absurd to ask which gender dominates the genocidal state. Build a genocidal state and there will be men, and women, to run them.

Lynndie England captured the attention of the world when, in 2004, newspapers and media flashed photographs from one of earth’s darkest places: the Abu Ghraib prison in Baghdad. England was caught on camera threatening a naked Iraqi prisoner with a leashed dog, laughing at the humiliated prisoners, etc, and subsequent investigations and evidence revealed her active participation in the torture regime that was Abu Ghraib. 

At her trial England pleaded guilty to mistreatment of prisoners, and the media was divided on her role: victim or victimiser. Arguments that she was forced to behave in unspeakable fashion were countered with arguments that she knew exactly what she was doing. Was she scapegoated by both the military and the political bosses for being caught – the debate remains unresolvable. 

England’s story is not, however, a unique one. 

Before England, and after

Besides cases of women murderers that attract singular attention in the media, the allegedly ‘deviant’ acts of women in situations such as war, genocide and torture have a long history in the 20th century which, naturally, begins at the gates of Auschwitz, Bergen-Belsen and Buchenwald. Later-day examples of girl-child soldiers now exist in documentation from Rwanda, the former Yugoslavia, Sri Lanka and Darfur too. Evidence also shows that the majority of suicide bombers in conflict zones like Chechnya were women, thus situating them as the heart of mass destruction.

Documentary evidence tells us that at least a third of the female population in Germany were a part of Nazi Party organisation. A census from 1945 lists a total of 36,674 male guards and 3,517 female guards from the SS-Gefolge – thus nearly 10% of the guards were female. At Auschwitz, between 1940 and 1945, there were approximately 7,000 male guards and 200 female guards. The secretarial staff in Berlin, nurses at the euthanasia camps (the notorious T4), teachers and workers, besides wives and girlfriends populated Nazi-occupied Europe and kept the Nazi machinery well-oiled during the excesses that occurred. They were not innocent bystanders.

Aktion T4 euthanasia camp. Photo: United States Holocaust Memorial Museum

Wendy Lower cautions us against assumptions of German women’s absence, or victimhood, in the machinery in her book Hitler’s Furies:

Just as the agency of women in history more generally is under appreciated, here too – and perhaps even more problematically, given the moral and legal implications – the agency of women in the crimes  of the Third Reich has not been fully elaborated and explained. Vast numbers of ordinary German women were not victims, and routine forms of female participation in the Holocaust have not yet been disclosed.

Susannah Heschel is categorical in her essay, ‘Does Atrocity have a Gender?’

Although there remains a tenacious belief to this day that women SS guards were not involved in murder, in fact they did participate in the selection of victims and in their murder, as well as in the accompanying torture and brutality. Numerous memoirs attest to the brutality of women guards, including their arbitrary punishment and murder of inmates, and their selection of inmates for gassing.

These are scathing indictments, and history’s jury has its task cut out to determine the exact nature of the women’s role as perpetrators of/in Nazi atrocity. Whether the secretary helped compose memos, transmit orders and enable the planning of atrocities – thereby becoming desktop murderers, as Nazi bureaucrats were called – is open to question.  Although their very position within the machinery, and the fact that they benefited from the system, suggests they are, in Michael Rothberg’s definition in the book of the same title, Implicated Subjects

In contemporary times, women honouring indicted rapists, endorsing genocide or being at the forefront of hate-speech and rabble-rousing if not direct political violence ought to take us back to the gendered nature of mass violence. Then there have been instances of women providing overt and covert support to raping and pillaging men. Finally, there are examples of women exhorting their men to inflict more humiliation and pain on other women.  

There are two strands to studies of the gender of atrocity. The first examines how such women as Grese or Koch are represented in history, both in their time and contemporary, so as to throw light on operations of gender in situations of mass violence, genocide and ethnic cleansing. The second studies the contexts in which a certain type of perpetrator emerges from among the women in power. 

Beauties, beasts, devils

‘When I laid eyes on Irma Griese, I felt sure that a woman of such beauty could not be cruel. For she was truly a blue-eyed, fair-haired “angel.”’ Thus writes Olga Lenyel in her book Five Chimneys: The Story of Auschwitz. The ‘angel’ and the ‘devil’ slowly merge in such accounts.

The nomenclatural excesses that mark the epithets of Nazi women are indicative of the media and critical-historical construction of them.  

Irme Grese, concentration camp guard at Auschwitz and later warden at Bergen-Belsen, was nicknamed ‘The Hyena of Auschwitz’. She was supposed to be particularly sadistic, and is reported to have slept with and/or raped prisoners (Laura Sjoberg, Women as Wartime Rapists). Grese’s sexuality was reported by Olga Lengyel:  

The Griese woman was bisexual. My friend, who was her maid, informed me that Irma Griese frequently had “homosexual relationships with inmates and then ordered the victims to the crematory.

And elsewhere:

Irma had seen this splendid specimen of manhood, the handsome Georgian, and, like some Eastern potentate, had picked him for herself. She had ordered him to her room. But when the proud young man, whose spirit had not been broken either by captivity or by Irma’s terrifying reputation, had refused to yield to her wishes, Irma had tried to force him to become her slave by compelling him to look on while she tortured the girl he loved.

Ilse Koch. Photo: Public domain/Wikimedia commons

Ilse Koch, wife of the Buchenwald commandant Karl Koch, was called the ‘beast of Buchenwald’ and sometimes the ‘witch of Buchenwald’. Maria Mandl, famous for creating the Women’s Orchestra of Auschwitz that played music during the sorting of Jews – into ‘to be gassed’ and those sent to labour – and during executions, was also called ‘The Beast’. 

Hertha Bothe was called the ‘Sadist of Stutthof’. Daniel Patrick Brown titled his study of Irme Grese, The Beautiful Beast – The Life and Crimes of SS-Aufseherin Irma Grese.  Deborah Binz, the guard at Ravensbrück, was called a ‘demonic slut’. Carmen Maria Mory was ‘the devil’ of Ravensbrück.  

The animal trope employed contrasts with the attention paid to their appearance – beautiful but unrepentant in the court. Animalising the woman perpetrator enabled the legal and media representations to shift them into the realm of the subhuman. Through the use of terms like ‘witch’, ‘devil’ and ‘demon’ the discourse once again bestowed them with nonhuman traits.

Laura Sjoberg and Caron E. Gentry in their study of women perpetrators argue that media coverage and reportage, often even legal proceedings, employ three narratives. The women are mothers, monsters or whores:

The mother narrative describes women’s violence as a need to belong, a need to nurture, and a way of taking care of and being loyal to men: motherhood gone awry. The monster narrative eliminates rational behaviour, ideological motivation, and culpability from women engaged in political violence. Instead, they describe violent women as insane, in denial of their femininity, no longer women or human. The whore narrative blames violence on the evils of female sexuality at its most intense or its most vulnerable.

Thomas Jardim’s Ilse Koch on Trial: Making the “Bitch of Buchenwald also notes that during the SS trial of Koch, her ‘character’ was repeatedly underscored. Jardim writes:

American and German jurists alike … the egregious crimes attributed to Koch were products of a deviant femininity, replete with perverse sexual impulses and a barbarism that placed her outside the community of “ordinary” women

Koch was presented as ‘devoid of “natural” feminine sensibilities. Irma Grese during her trial was the subject of considerable speculation regarding her femininity and sexuality. They were women, writes Jardim, whose ‘crimes were depicted as particularly abhorrent because they clashed with traditional norms of “womanly behavior”. Further, Koch’s supposed role as an active ‘participant’ in the Buchenwald crimes rested on hearsay evidence. 

The actions of the Nazi women were amplified as even more abhorrent than that of the hundreds of Nazi men – Karl Otto Koch, Ilse’s husband, was particularly brutal, as evidence shows – because it was unfeminine. They were not ordinary women because no ordinary woman could possibly do what they did. Thus Ilse Koch was supposed to have had prisoners executed so that their skin could be used to make lampshades for her home, which was next to the camp. Such absolute heights of deviant femininity became the stuff of media outrage, as Anthony Rowland notes:

The scandalised narrative of female perpetrators, the fact that (again, invisible) men in the pathology lab might have created the lampshade is of no interest. The perceived perversion of female masculinity allows for a much more convenient explanation of atavism and (male) masculine aberrance. 

In other words, attention was focused on the violation of gender norms in situations of political and mass violence. As Alette Smeulers summarises it, ‘women who transgress the female stereotypes more than men do and are therefore more often considered as ‘deviant and unnatural’.

There were other factors too, especially in high-profile trials like Koch’s. Evidence by other SS wives was collected and presented in the court. The ‘evidence’ also highlighted her ‘reputation’. Anna Reimer deposed: ‘On the other hand it was not unknown to me and also to my women comrades …that Frau Koch already had a bad reputation as a woman at that time’. That is, a set of norms subscribed to by the inmates, the SS wives and the later-day commentators inscribed a certain ‘reputation’ upon Koch. 

When such acts of mass violence or genocide are constructed in public, including legal, discourse, a ‘repertoire of behaviours’ – the phrase is Alexandra Przyrembel’s from her study of Ilse Koch – are woven into it, a repertoire that is determined by prevalent social codes regarding gender, and from which we cannot separate how we are shown, understand and consume a Koch or a Grese. Thus women’s crimes in the camps become more pathologised than that of men: they were not ‘normal women’ at all.

When women were implicated, indisputably so, in political violence, they have been consigned to the category of ‘deviant’ humanity, while the male perpetrators remain within the ambit of humanity, but as vile examples of it. This is so because, as the trials and media coverage of Nazi women shows, violence and even cruelty is seen and believed to be integral to the masculine. How many times have we heard rapists and molesters being explained away as ‘boys will be boys’?

‘Does atrocity have a gender?’

Barbara Ehreinrich, pained by the images of Lynndie England, in ‘Feminism’s Assumptions Upended’ mourned:

A certain kind of feminism, or perhaps I should say a certain kind of feminist naivete, died in Abu Ghraib. It was a feminism that saw men as the perpetual perpetrators, women as the perpetual victims and male sexual violence against women as the root of all injustice. Rape has repeatedly been an instrument of war and, to some feminists, it was beginning to look as if war was an extension of rape. There seemed to be at least some evidence that male sexual sadism was connected to our species’ tragic propensity for violence. That was before we had seen female sexual sadism in action.

She then goes on to locate England within a context:

What we have learned from Abu Ghraib, once and for all, is that a uterus is not a substitute for a conscience… Women do not change institutions simply by assimilating into them, only by consciously deciding to fight for change. We need a feminism that teaches a woman to say no – not just to the date rapist or overly insistent boyfriend but, when necessary, to the military or corporate hierarchy within which she finds herself … It is not enough to be equal to men, when the men are acting like beasts. It is not enough to assimilate. We need to create a world worth assimilating into.

Lynndie England Photo: Twitter/@Thatsenough0

Ehreinrich’s finger points to institutional requirements of men and women, especially in fields like the military. While she does not absolve England, she notes that a culture that endorses (masculine) violence also implies that those who assimilate into the culture, begin to embody those same values.

It should be remembered that the Nazi camps were places where no known laws applied – the ‘absolute state of exception’ as Giorgio Agamben termed it –  and terror was the sole normative order of the day when it came to the treatment of prisoners. The camp was an instantiation of the genocidal state, its justification. In this genocidal state it was the already circulating ethnic hatred that enabled, welcomed and operated the camps. And this did not need a gender, it assimilated all genders to itself.

Other commentators who have examined the cultural representations of female perpetrators also echo Ehreinrich. Susannah Heschel ponders there is a widely shared assumption that men’s cruelty is, in part, an expression of ‘masculinity, but no exploration into whether women’s acts of cruelty are linked to expressions of their femininity, understanding both terms as social constructs. The realm of the camp belonged to the SS, a male organisation. Did women guards join the realm of power reserved for the SS, or transgress it?

Wendy Lower writes:

For young women, the possibilities for advancement lay in the emerging Nazi empire abroad. They left behind repressive laws, bourgeois mores, and social traditions that made life in Germany regimented and oppressive. Women in the eastern territories witnessed and committed atrocities in a more open system, and as part of what they saw as a professional opportunity and a liberating experience.

Deviant femininity and typical masculinity do not suffice as frames to ‘read’ either Irma Grese or Rudolf Höss (the Auschwitz commandant), but the social, cultural norms of the camp that constructed specific models of behaviour, encouraged certain others – for privilege and power, career and companionship – among both men and women. An entire generation of men and women were ‘lost’ to Nazi ideology, and they gained careers and wealth when they were thus lost. 

So, did the camp structure and operations of power draw people in as guards and encourage them to grow into torturers? We find some cues in Sarah Helm’s If This Is A Woman: Inside Ravensbrück: Hitler’s Concentration Camp for Women where she writes: ‘Binz’s appetite for cruelty soon made an impression on everyone in the camp. And yet, until she got the job here, she had been little noticed’. Helm adds:

The daughter of a forester, Dorothea Binz was one of several local girls who started work over the summer. These recruits were different to the women who arrived with the prisoners five months earlier … They had no experience of any other penal institution, and many were so young that they had no meaningful experience of life before Nazi rule. Work at the camp was their first job.

And about another guard, she writes:

Langefeld had been as eager as anyone to fulfil Himmler’s edict on ‘protecting the homeland from internal enemies’. The mere sight of women standing for hours in the cold and wet demonstrated her iron discipline. 

With no prehistory of violence, placed in a context where power was more or less unlimited, aspiring to greater and better careers, the men, and women, in the camp order quickly assimilated the norms of torture, beating and execution. 

Cultures of violence, such as made Nazi Germany a genocidal state, make it possible for perpetrators to emerge even though not all ordinary men, and women, become genocidal. Christopher Browning asks a goose-bump inducing question in his book Ordinary Men: ‘If the men of Reserve Police Battalion 101 could become killers under such circumstances, what group of men cannot?’ If we broaden the ambit of Browning’s question, we have an answer to Susannah Heschel’s question on atrocity’s gender. 

Impunity and immunity, both bestowed by the structures of power and cultural norms open up the field of violent action, and players seeking to at least enter the field of play need to first sign up, tacitly endorsing the (violent) culture of the field. When we make a genocidal state, there will be demands to enrol as citizens by meeting citizenship requirements of ideology, hate and war-mongering. 

It is absurd to ask, as Nazi Germany shows, which gender dominates the genocidal state. It is enough that such a state exists. Build a genocidal state and camps will emerge. Build a genocidal state and there will be men, and women, to run them.

Pramod K. Nayar teaches at the University of Hyderabad.

With CJI Bobde in Attendance, Canada’s Dosanjh Draws Links Between Detention Centres and Nazism

Former Attorney General of British Columbia and former Canada Federal Minister Ujjal Dosanjh quoted German Lutheran pastor Martin Niemoller’s poem “first they came for…” and spoke of the horrors of Auschwitz.

New Delhi: Former Attorney General of British Columbia and former Canada Federal Minister Ujjal Dosanjh on Saturday drew a parallel between detention centres in Assam and those in other parts of the world at a meet attended by Chief Justice of India S.A. Bobde.

At an international conference to celebrate Guru Nanak’s 550th birth anniversary in Chandigarh, he spoke about how Guru Nanak, who stood for safeguarding people’s rights, would have spoken out against them.

Talking about the threats of the present day polity and how various actions committed in the past warn us consequences, the lawyer-politician quoted German Lutheran pastor Martin Niemollar’s poem “first they came for…” where he spoke of crimes against committed against Jews, Romas and Gypsies by the Nazis.

“He said ‘first first they came for communists; and I did not speak out because I was not a communist. Then they came for the socialists; and I did not speak because I was not a socialist. Then they came for the trade unionists; and I did not speak out because I was not a trade unionist. Then they came for the Jews; and I did not speak out because I was not a Jew. Then they came for me, and there was no one left to speak out for me…’,” the Indian Express quoted Dosanjh.

Dosanjh also questioned the “silence” surrounding the detention centres in Assam, China and the United States and said Nanak would have acted very differently.

“You think Nanak would be silent in face of all that…the Nanak who said raaje seeh mukadham kute (The kings have become lions, and their subordinates are no better than dogs)… he said that to Babar…he challenged Babar, the excesses of Babar’s invasions. Nanak would not have remained silent. Nanak would have spoken out. Nanak would have been on frontlines. He was a preacher, debater, challenger, he was irreverent”.

Also read: Detention Centres in Assam Are Synonymous With Endless Captivity

The Canadian leader began his speech while referring to the anniversary of liberation of Auschwitz camp. He said Nanak’s teachings remained relevant even today as he was also an activist and a critic who would speak about how the rights of all.

“I cannot imagine Nanak sitting day in and day out reading poetry…spiritual poetry. My Nanak would ask me…you have read it, understood it.. what will you do to change the world? Nanak’s verse is ‘pavan guru pani pita mata dharat mahat (air is our teacher, water our father, and Earth, the great mother)’. He did not say Punjab was mahat. He did not say India was mahat. He said dharat mahat. He would have never…said Punjab is for Punjabis and Assam is for Assamese…Hungary is only for Hungarian white people. Nanak would have never stood silent in face of all that is happening in this world.”

Dosanjh also criticised the thought that supports the setting up of detention centres. He said he has been to the Auschwitz camp where over a million Jews were exterminated. “They were in detention camps. If you have detention camps today, be there in China, be there in Assam, be there in Trump’s United States of America… imprisoning children who are trying to run from poverty and injustice to freedom…He (Guru Nanak) would have said raaje seeh mukadham kute (The kings have become lions, and their subordinates are no better than dogs)… Nanak would ask me are you speaking up… did you just read… did you just make a speech or did you go fight on the frontlines and find change in the world”.

Also read: Assam: ‘Declared Foreigner’ Housed in Goalpara Detention Centre Dies

Dosanjh ended his speech by exhorting people to stand up against all wrong. “We must stand up for freedom, liberty, justice and equality… Isn’t that what Nanak is all about. If you want to pay true homage to Nanak, then let Guru Nanak speak.”

Earlier in his address, Justice Surya Kant of Supreme Court said that the apex court has repeatedly called for preserving constitutional identity and morality.

“Guru Nanak’s teachings are more relevant in contemporary times, when humanity is passing through all shades of serious conflicts. Many of us consider themselves, their caste or religion to be superior to others. This is root cause of all crisis. It has descended to such a level that we are living in the lurking fear of third world war. The need of hour is that everyone – regardless of caste, creed or religion, should imbibe the philosophy of Baba Guru Nanak Dev Ji in letter and spirit and practice universal brotherhood and social justice,” he said.

Chief Justice Bobde said Guru Nanak stood for the cause of equality and justice. “Guru Nanak would demonstrate that all religions were equal and deserved to be equally respected by all. The ideas behind equality of all human beings as well as universal brotherhood formed the philosophy of the holy Guru Granth sahib (Sikh holy book) which we know the collection of poetic hymns through which Guru Nanak delivered his divine guidance,” the CJI said.

The Chief Justice also insisted that just like his teachings transcend all boundaries, “Guru Nanak and his philosophy do not belong only to Punjab or the Sikh religion but his persona and his teachings have gifted pearls of sanity and wisdom to whole world.”