Courts, CAG and the Process of Conducting an Audit

When the courts ask the CAG to conduct an audit, and even give the national auditor a deadline, a can of legal worms are opened.

On December 1, 2020, the Calcutta high court issued an order directing the Comptroller and Auditor General of India to initiate an audit of Cyclone Amphan-related relief distribution.

This order by a division bench of Chief Justice Thottahil B. Radhakrishnan and Justice Arijit Banerjee was issued on five separate writ petitions making allegations about the discrepancies in the relief distribution.

In an earlier order (November 25, 2020), the bench had observed:

“We see that the powers of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India and the Accountant General of the State of West Bengal in the backdrop of the relevant constitutional and statutory provisions which regulate their functioning may provide adequate room for the union and the state government to effectively audit, assess and regulate the flow of funds and also assess the performance and result of the funds which have been pushed under the canopy of the Amphan relief.”

The December 1 order sought to make the CAG, an independent constitutional institution, a respondent in the set of petitions, stating:

“…we are of the view that for comprehensively carrying out all the directions, which we would issue hereunder, the CAG is a necessary party to these writ petitions. Therefore, we implead the CAG as an additional respondent in all the writ petitions, who will be bound by the directions issued.”

The order then articulated specific directions:

“The CAG has the necessary constitutional, statutory and administrative sanction, power and authority to conduct such inquiry as is necessary to ensure that there is financial audit and performance audit of the utilization of the Amphan relief either extended by the Central Government and operationalized through the State Government or otherwise.” (emphasis added)

The order also assumes that the high court can prescribe to the CAG the timeline within which to carry out financial audit and performance audit, stating:

“Having regard to the questions involved, we request the CAG to conclude the exercise within an outer limit of three months from the date of receipt of a copy of this order.” (emphasis added)

Also read: In Kerala, a CAG Report Kicks up Political Controversy and More

Legal questions

This order has provoked several constitutional and legal questions, first and foremost of which is whether by issuing directions to a constitutional institution, the high court judges have undermined the independence of the CAG.

Taking up this question becomes extremely important in the light of a Bombay high court judgment by the bench headed by Justice D.Y. Chandrachud, who is currently a sitting Supreme Court judge.

In Raghunath Shankar Kelkar Vs Union of India, the Bombay high court ruled in March 2009 that:

“The timing, scope and extent of audit are all matters which fall within the jurisdiction of the CAG and this is certainly not a matter on which the Court ought to tread…and it is undoubtedly for the CAG to consider whether and if so to what extent a specific audit should be undertaken.”

Having made it clear that the scope, extent and timing of audit fall within the jurisdiction of CAG, the above mentioned Public Interest Litigation (PIL) praying for directions to CAG to take up a certain audit was dismissed.

The concluding paragraph stated: “We do not consider this to be a fit case for the exercise of our jurisdiction under Article 226.

Before concluding, the court felt necessary to define the parameters for judicial intervention in such cases and said:

“In entertaining such a petition it would be inappropriate for the Court either to supplant the role and functioning of a constitutional authority or to substitute its judgment for the policy making authority or the discretion of a constitutional functionary.”

The judgment by Justice D.Y. Chandrachud also stressed on the separation of powers as it said that the court cannot “assume to itself the task of governance which the Constitution leaves to elected representatives or to expert bodies who are accountable to the collective wisdom of the legislature.”

Further stressing on the importance of separation of powers in a democratic setup the judgment read:

“The jurisdiction of the Court is exercised where there is a breach of a constitutional or statutory prescription. Absent such a breach the exercise of administration should be left to where it is intended to belong in a democratic set-up based on the separation of powers.”

Also read: Why Are Many CAG Audits For FY’19 Still Not in the Public Domain?

Independence and autonomy of the CAG of India

The Supreme Audit Institution (SAI) derives its mandate from the Constitution and the CAG’s (Duties, Powers and Conditions of Service) Act, 1971.

The importance of these Duties and Powers stemming from the Article 149 of the Constitution is manifested in following observation of the apex court in a 2014 judgment:

“…CAG, therefore, is exercising constitutional powers and duties in relation to the accounts, while the High Court under Article 226 of the Constitution, so also the Supreme Court under Article 32 of the Constitution, is exercising judicial powers. Duties and powers conferred by the Constitution on the CAG under Article 149 cannot be taken away by the Parliament, being the basic structure of our Constitution, like Parliamentary democracy, independence of judiciary, rule of law, judicial review, unity and integrity of the country, secular and federal character of the Constitution, and so on.”

The DPC act empowers C&AG to make ‘regulations for carrying into effect the provisions of this act.’ In pursuance of this provision, the then C&AG, Vijayendra N Kaul initiated consultative process that eventually led to notification of ‘Regulations on Audit and Accounts, 2007.’

A writ petition (Arvind Gupta Vs Union of India, WP(C) No. 393 of 2012) challenging the constitutionality of these regulations was dismissed by the apex court in 2013, as the court stated “we find no unconstitutionality in the Regulations.”

These regulations were further amended and substituted by ‘Regulations on Audit and Accounts (Amendments) 2020’ on 20th August 2020.

The section on the ‘Scope and Extent of audit’ says:  “Section 23 of the Act provides that the scope and extent of audit shall be determined by the CAG. Such authority is not limited by any considerations other than ensuring that the objectives of audit are achieved.”

The section on ‘Role and powers of the Executive in relation to audit’ states that ‘the Executive does not have powers of direction in relation to CAG’s audit mandate and its execution.’

The CAG may be requested to carry out certain audits but it has the right to decline:

“The CAG is not obliged to carry out, modify or refrain from carrying out an audit, suppress or modify audit findings, conclusions and recommendations, in the light of any direction by the executive…

…This, however, does not preclude requests to the Comptroller and Auditor General by the executive proposing matters for audit. Decision in this regard shall rest finally with the Comptroller and Auditor General.”

CAG’s Auditing Standards 2017 re-emphasise on the broad mandate of the CAG and the full discretion available to the institution:

“While conforming to the Constitutional provisions and laws enacted by the legislatures, SAI India has the functional and organisational autonomy required for carrying out its mandate and is free from direction or interference from the Legislature or the Executive in the ⅰ) Selection of audit issues; ⅱ) planning, programing, conduct, reporting and follow up of audits; and ⅲ) organisation and management of its office.”

As our analysis of the constitutional duties and powers granted to the CAG points out, the CAG of India is the sole authority to carry out compliance, financial and performance audits.

Petitioners who take recourse to public interest litigations might have in past prayed before the judiciary to issue directions to the CAG to carry out a specific audit or to try and bring directions stalling a specific audit initiated by the national auditor. However, the issue that we highlight above is that it would be wrong on the part of the judiciary to assume that issuing such directions do not undermine the independence and autonomy of a constitutional institution.

Himanshu Upadhyaya is an assistant professor at Azim Premji University Bangalore. Abhishek Punetha is an independent researcher and former Girish Sant Memorial Fellow.

The Atmanirbhar Bharat Spirit Should Extend to the Way We Look at the Big 4 Auditors

Awarding government contract to the Big 4 not only violates India’s stated purpose of local self-reliance, but should also be scrutinised in light of the various scandals that have enveloped these firms.

The Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) recently shortlisted six entities – including three of the Big 4, i.e., Ernst & Young, KPMG and PwC – for implementation of a “custom-made governance policy”.

The other three shortlisted bidders are RSM Astute Consulting, BDO India and ANB Solutions.

The stated purpose of the exercise is to have in place policy documents, standard operating procedures (SOPs) and other information technology (IT) documents as per the best industry standards and practices. This is expected to reduce operating costs and enhance performance by establishing clear criteria for computer network, hardware, software, information security, and IT vendor management.

The purpose of this exercise cannot be faulted. What deserves further debate, and what should ideally raise eyebrows, is the inclusion of EY, KPMG and PwC amongst the short-listed bidders. Let alone being shortlisted, they should not have been allowed to even bid in the first place. All of them have been linked to various controversies and scandals over the last decade and have at different times been probed by SEBI itself and various other law enforcement and investigative agencies.

A  fundamental issue begs an answer. Why does “Atmanirbhar Bharat” not apply to the Big 4 (including Deloitte)? These multinational companies operate in India through their ‘network firms’, although allegations have always been made out that they are controlled directly by their overseas parents in contravention of Indian law.

Is there so much scarcity of pure Indian talent that we need MNCs to execute such simple projects. If so, we should collectively hang our heads in national shame. And then all the more reason to vigorously pursue “Be vocal, go local”. Only then will the dream of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to have at least four Indian CA firms in the list of Big 8 by 2022 fructify.

But first, a quick refresher at the rather poor credentials of some of the shortlisted bidders.

EY

The latest controversy to besmirch EY is the “Wirecard” scandal that is unfolding in Germany. The payment company has filed for insolvency admitting that 1.9 billion euros (approximately Rs 17,000 crore) of cash probably never existed. EY had been Wirecard’s auditors for almost a decade. However, for the last three years, EY allegedly failed to properly check Wirecard’s bank statements, an elementary audit procedure.

Also read: Is the Modi Government Serious About Stemming the Rot in India’s Audit Industry?

The Wirecard scandal bears a striking resemblance to the Satyam scam. Some Rs 5,000 crore of bank balances of Satyam were found to be fictitious. Satyam’s auditors for several years, PricewaterhouseCoopers, had also failed to obtain direct confirmations from the banks despite multiple proddings from one of its overseas partners.

KPMG and Deloitte

A few months ago, the Ministry of Corporate Affairs (MCA) had sought to levy a five-year ban on BSR & Associates LLP, a KPMG affiliate and Deloitte Haskins & Sells LLP (Deloitte)  in connection with the Rs 90,000 crore scam at Infrastructure Leasing and Financial Services (IL&FS).

The ministry’s action came on the basis of a report running into more than 30,000 pages prepared by its investigative wing, SFIO. MCA believes both KPMG and Deloitte were guilty of professional misconduct.

The Bombay high court, however, found gaping holes in the MCA’s action and struck down its efforts to ban the two firms through an order dated April 21, 2020. The matter is currently subjudice before the Supreme Court.

The logo of KPMG, a professional service company, is seen at the company’s head offices at La Defense business and financial district in Courbevoie near Paris, France. May 16, 2018. Photo: Reuters/Charles Platiau

PwC

It is rather challenging to recount PwC’s chequered track record in a few words.

For their role in the Satyam scam, SEBI had issued an order on January 10, 2018, banning for two years 11 firms that belong to the network of PwC from auditing listed companies. In addition, it had also ordered disgorgement of wrongful gains of approximately Rs 26 crores (including interest) by PwC.

In September 2019, the Enforcement Directorate (ED) slapped a Rs 230 crore penalty notice on PricewaterhouseCoopers Pvt. Ltd. (Pwcpl), the consultancy arm of PwC India. Other notices were sent to its current chairman, two past chairmen and some of its directors.

ED found that Pwcpl had received investments of Rs 230 crore from Pricewaterhouse Services BV, Netherlands, but had falsely shown them as “grants” to avoid attracting provisions of the Foreign Exchange Management Act, 1999 (FEMA) which required prior approval of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI).

The RBI’s approval could not have been granted since the extant legislations did not permit PwC to receive investments from overseas. The ED’s probe, which is yet to be completed, had started only on the directions of the Supreme Court pursuant to a public interest litigation (PIL) filed before it.

Also Read: India Can’t Clean up its Financial System Without Breaking the Business-Auditor Nexus

The latest controversy to engulf PwC is the Kerala gold smuggling case. A key figure in the controversy is Swapna Suresh, who was working as the operational manager at the Kerala State IT Infrastructure Ltd. She is stated to be facing a crime branch probe for fabricating a false report against an Air India official.

Opposition leader Ramesh Chennithala has expressed surprise over the way the government appointed a person in a key post. Chennithala said that there are also reports that she got the job through PwC, which makes it even more suspicious. “We have witnessed several scams connecting PwC with the LDF government. The IT secretary was the key person in all these deals with the state government,” he said.

To be fair, PwC has contested the allegations and reportedly said that the concerned individual was on the payroll of a third party agency which provides specialised short-term resources to them.

“The agency has done necessary background verification,” officials said.

Need a closing chapter, one way or the other

Many of the allegations and controversies surrounding the Big 4, especially in India, are yet to reach their logical conclusion. But it is equally important to appreciate another dimension. Projects like the one initiated by SEBI take a long time to complete. Frequent interactions with internal staff and consultants are both necessary and inevitable, both during and after the project completion until such time that it is fully streamlined. The casualty is independence. In such a scenario, the client or regulator cannot be expected to take action against its consultant whom it is otherwise supposed to regulate.

The core of SEBI’s mandate is investor protection. To avoid conflict of interest, those who are supposed to be regulated should not be allowed to devise or be involved intimately with the very systems that will regulate them. An examinee cannot decide the syllabus, frame the question paper and be the evaluator also.

The Big 4 not only audit but also render consultancy services to at least 60-70% of the companies listed on the BSE and NSE.

The Big 4’s defence

A defence often put forth by the Big 4 is that their consultancy arms are independent and separate legal entities from their audit firms, which may come have come under some cloud.

This smokescreen rests on thin ice and deserves to be more closely examined.

Also Read: PWC Quits as Statutory Auditor of Anil Ambani-led Reliance Capital, Reliance Home Finance

Incidentally, SEBI is not alone. PwC, EY and KPMG  have also qualified the technical evaluation round for assisting the Department for Promotion of Industry and Internal Trade (DPIIT). This project is for effective and on ground implementation of initiatives for startups.

Civil society’s recommendations

The Citizens Whistle Blower Forum (CWBF), formed under the chairmanship of Justice A.P. Shah, former Chief Justice of the Delhi high court and a former Chairman of the Law Commission, had since 2017 recommended more than once to the PM and finance minister that PwC should not be awarded government contracts given its involvement in various scams.

The core of CWBF’s recommendations, in my view, was to uphold the rule of law, avoid conflict of interest and maintain the sanctity of independence. This is feasible only when a Chinese wall is maintained at all times between the regulator and the regulated.

The Big 4, who render audit and consultancy services, should not be granted contracts involving the Regulator who is expected to regulate them. Any involvement in a scam must be first properly probed and brought to a conclusion before they are allowed to secure government contracts.

Every effort must also be made to include pure Indian companies who possess the necessary expertise and experience. There is no dearth of talent. Projects like the one initiated by SEBI and DIPP can we well handled by companies like TCS, Infosys and Wipro in conjunction with some pure Indian but relatively small audit firms. The expertise of retired SEBI officials, stock market intermediaries, sector and industry experts should also be leveraged.

Only then can PM Modi’s dream of seeing at least 4 Indian auditor firms in the ‘Big 8’ by 2022 be realised.

Sarvesh Mathur is a senior financial professional, who has worked as CFO of Tata Telecom Ltd and PricewaterhouseCoopers.