#MeToo: Working Class Women Share Their Stories of Harassment

Despite the Vishakha Guidelines and the Prevention of Sexual Harassment and Redressal Act of 2013, working class women have been fighting for redressal and justice when it comes to sexual harassment at the workplace.

The #MeToo movement may have started recently, but it is not new to India. The fight against sexual harassment began when Bhanwari Devi, a saathin in a village in Rajasthan, was raped for doing her job – stopping child marriage. Every working-class woman, like Bhanwari Devi, has a #MeToo story to share. Job insecurity, low wages – upon which her entire family is dependent, no social security benefits, and added to which are caste and class oppression. This silences women workers from speaking about their experiences of sexual harassment.

The #MeToo movement is not lead by any particular woman. The women participating in it to call out their perpetrators are owning the movement as theirs. This has displayed the exemplary solidarity of women fighting sexual harassment and exposing it for what it is. The movement has also demolished the lies around women when it comes to sexual harassment – that it happened because she was wearing a revealing dress, that she might have seduced him, that her character is questionable, that she asked for it, etc. It has showed us that sexual harassment is shockingly common and universal. It has also broken the myth that a woman loses her and her family’s honour if she is sexually harassed. Women are standing up against their perpetrators against great odds and risks to their personal safety, job security and mental peace.

Also read: #MeToo Must Address the Concerns of Rural Women, Labourers and Domestic Workers

Despite the Vishakha Guidelines and the Prevention of Sexual Harassment and Redressal Act of 2013, working class women have been fighting for redressal and justice when it comes to sexual harassment at the workplace. There are areas of workplaces which are diverse, invisible and taut with class, caste and gender prejudices which do not allow the law to penetrate. This is the case with domestic workers, street vendors, pourakarmikas (waste workers), construction workers and others, where local complaint committees have been formed, but are constituted merely on paper. In such cases, the working-class women have been fighting against sexual harassment through their trade unions.

On the evening of November 3, the All India Progressive Women’s Association (AIPWA), along with the BBMP Guttige Pourakarmikara Sangha, Garment and Textile Workers Union, Domestic Workers Rights Union and the KSRTC/BMTC/ NEKRTC/NWKRTC Workers Federation hosted a public programme called “#MeToo: Working Class Women Share” in Bangalore. Several women workers participated in the event and shared how the nature of their work and the work environments make it vulnerable to sexual harassment. The natural outcome of calling out their perpetrators is to lose their jobs instantly, and in most cases without any pay.

Rathna, a pourakarmika, while sharing her experience said, “The supervisor in my ward stripped off his pants in public when we asked him for our wages which we weren’t paid for five months”. Tahira, a domestic worker, said that when her employer’s son molested her and when she complained, she was instantly removed from her job. Rajeshwari, who works in a garment factory in Hosur stated how the managers in garment factories abuse them. “I was told that I wasn’t fit to work in the factory and that I should stand on the road to earn money. We are also exposed to physical assault due to the structure of garment factories and the way they are built,” she said. Parveen, a mechanic with the BMTC, said that sexual harassment is not just rampant amongst bus commuters, but it is even more so for women bus conductors. “We have to deal with drunk men sometimes. We have thousands of rupees in our bags from ticket collection. If we create a ruckus about the harassment we face and lose the money in the scuffle, then we will have to pay BMTC from our pockets. This is why most women conductors do not talk about sexual harassment,” she said and added that lack of toilets for women bus conductors at bus depots and bus stands also enable sexual harassment.

Also read: Sexual Violence Trauma Is Complex Because It Impinges on Multiple Identities

In the programme, members from the transgender community, sex workers and students also spoke of their experiences of sexual harassment. Sana, a transsexual woman, said, “I was sexually violated when I worked for a media company. I was removed from my job as they feared I would create noise about it. Members of our community cannot complain to the police because they also sexually abuse us. They say that we are meant to be harassed and violated. The #MeToo movement has not addressed concerns of sexual minorities or oppressed caste women.” Madhu Bhushan, an activist, stated that one does not think of sexual harassment for sex workers. Parijatha of the Sthree Jagruti Samiti said that when they complained of several sexual abuse cases related to domestic workers, the officials of the Department of Women and Child Development reacted in an extremely insensitive manner. “They too are a prejudiced lot,” she said.

The All India Progressive Women’s Association plans to prepare a report from the experiences shared at the public programme on November 3, which will be submitted to the Karnataka government’s Department of Women and Child Development, Karnataka State Commission for Women, the Internal Complaints Committees of Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike and Bangalore Metropolitan Transport Corporation.

Lekha Adavi graduated from Azim Premji University, Bangalore with a Masters in Development, before which, she worked as a sub-editor with The New Indian Express. She is interested in understanding issues related to informal labour and urban commons.

This article was originally published on Indian Cultural Forum. Read the original article

The New Maternity Benefits Act Disregards Women in the Unorganised Sector

The law will benefit only a miniscule percentage of women, while ignoring the majority who are working as contractual labour, farmers, self-employed women and housewives.

The law will benefit only a minuscule percentage of women, while ignoring the majority who are working as contractual labour, farmers, self-employed women and housewives.

The new law will benefit only a miniscule percentage of women employed in the organised sector while ignoring a large demographic toiling in the country's unorganised sector. Credit: Reuters/Adnan Abidi

The new law will benefit only a miniscule percentage of women employed in the organised sector. Credit: Reuters/Adnan Abidi

New Delhi: The passage of the landmark Maternity Benefits Act 1961 by the Indian parliament, which mandates 26 weeks of paid leave for mothers as against the existing 12, has generated more heartburn than hurrahs due to its skewed nature.

The law will also facilitate ‘work from home’ options for nursing mothers once the leave period ends and has made creche facilities mandatory in establishments with 50 or more employees. The amendment takes India up to the third position in terms of maternity leave duration after Norway (44 weeks) and Canada (50).

However, while the law has brought some cheers on grounds that it at least acknowledges that women are entitled to maternity benefits – crucial in a country notorious for its entrenched discrimination against women and one that routinely features at the bottom of the gender equity index – many are dismissing it as a flawed piece of legislation.

The critics point out that the new law will benefit only a minuscule percentage of women employed in the organised sector while ignoring a large demographic toiling in the country’s unorganised sector such as contractual workers, farmers, casual workers, self-employed women and housewives.

According to Sudeshna Sengupta of the Right to Food Campaign, India sees 29.7 million women getting pregnant each year.

“Even if the law is fully implemented,” the activist told IPS, “studies show that it will benefit only 1.8 million women in the organised sector leaving out practically 99% of the country’s women workforce. If this isn’t discrimination, what is? In India, women’s paid workforce constitutes just 5% of the 1.8 million. The rest fall within the unorganised sector. How fair is it to leave out this lot from the ambit of the new law?” asks Sengupta.

Kavita Krishnan, secretary of the All India Progressive Women’s Association, opines that maternity benefits should be universally available to all women, including wage earners.

“But the act ignores this completely by focussing only on women in the organised sector. In India most women are waged workers or do contractual work and face hugely exploitative work conditions. They are not even recognised under the ambit of labour laws. The moment a woman becomes pregnant she is seen as a liability. The new law has no provisions to eliminate this mindset, ” Krishnan told IPS.

The new law will benefit only a miniscule percentage of women employed in the organised sector while ignoring a large demographic toiling in the country's unorganised sector. Credit: Anindito Mukherjee/Reuters

Many are dismissing the new law as a flawed piece of legislation. Credit: Anindito Mukherjee/Reuters

Some of the employed women this correspondent spoke to say that a woman’s pregnancy is often a deal breaker for employers in India. Sakshi Mehra, a manager with a garment export house in Delhi, explains that though initially her employers were delighted with her work ethic, and even gave her a double promotion within a year of joining, “things changed drastically when I got pregnant. My boss kept dropping hints that I should look for an ‘easier’ job. It was almost as if I’d become handicapped overnight,” Mehra told IPS.

Such a regressive mindset – of pregnant women not being `fit’ – is common in many Indian workplaces. Some women fight back, while others capitulate to pressure and quietly move on.

Another glaring flaw in the new legislation, say activists, is that it makes no mention of paternity leave, putting the onus of the newborn’s rearing on the mother. This is a blow to gender equality, they add. Global studies show lower child mortality and higher gender equality in societies where both parents are engaged in child rearing. Paternity leave doesn’t just help dads become more sensitive parents, show studies, it extends a helping hand to new moms coming to grips with their new role as a parent.

According to Dr. Mansi Bhattacharya, senior gynaecologist and obstetrician at Fortis Hospital, Noida, Uttar Pradesh, there’s no reason why fathers should not play a significant role in childcare.

“Paternity leave allows the father to support his spouse at a critical time. Also, early bonding between fathers and infants ensures a healthier and a more sensitive father-child relationship. It also offers support to the new mother feeling overwhelmed by her new parental responsibilities,” she says.

A research paper of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development – a think-tank of developed countries – says children with ‘more involved’ fathers fare better during their early years. Paternity leaves with flexible work policies facilitate such participation.

Paternity leave is also a potent tool for boosting gender diversity at the workplace, especially when coupled with flexible hours, or work-from-home options for the new father, add analysts. “Parental leave is not an either/or situation,” Deepa Pallical, national coordinator, National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights told IPS. “A child needs the involvement of both parents for his balanced upbringing. Any policy that ignores this critical ground reality is a failure.”

The activist adds that granting leave to both parents augments the chances of women returning to their jobs with greater peace of mind and better job prospects. This benefit is especially critical for a country like India, which has the lowest female work participation in the world. Only 21.9% of all Indian women and 14.7% of urban women work.

Women in India represent only 24% of the paid labour force, as against the global average of 40%, according to a recent McKinsey Global Institute report. At 53 percentage points, India has one of the worst gender gaps (disproportionate difference between the sexes) in the world when it comes to labour force participation, World Bank data shows. The economic loss of such non-participation, say economists, is colossal. Lakshmi Puri, assistant secretary-general of UN Women, noted in 2011 that India’s growth rate could ratchet up by 4.2% if women were given more opportunities.

According to a World Bank report titled Women, Business and the Law (2016), over 80-odd countries provide for paternity leave including Iceland, Finland and Sweden. The salary during this period, in Nordic countries, is typically partly paid and generally funded by the government. Among India’s neighbours, Afghanistan, China, Hong Kong and Singapore mandate a few days of paternity leave.

In a fast-changing corporate scenario, some Indian companies are encouraging male employees to take a short, paid paternity break. Those employed in state-owned companies and more recently, public sector banks are even being allowed paternity leave of 15 days. In the US, however, companies like Netflix, Facebook and Microsoft offer generous, fully-paid paternity leave of a few months.

Perhaps India could take a page from them to address an issue which not only impacts nearly half of its 1.2 billion population, but also has a critical effect on its national economy. The right decision will not only help it whittle down gender discrimination and improve social outcomes, but also augment its demographic dividend – a win-win-win.

This article was originally published in the Inter Press Service. Read the original article.

A Conspicuous Silence in Murthal on Rape Allegations

The local community has dismissed all reports of sexual violence and rape, but the atmosphere in Murthal is shrouded in mystery.

The local community has dismissed all reports of sexual violence and rape, but the atmosphere in Murthal is shrouded in mystery.

Murthal, Haryana: On February 24, The Tribune reported that several women had been assaulted and raped near Murthal, about 50 km from Delhi, during the violence that broke out as the agitation for Jat reservation intensified and inched closer to Delhi. Two weeks since the alleged incidents, however, villagers in the area maintain a terse silence on the issue. When we visited the area on March 9, it almost seemed like nothing had happened there.

However, taking cognisance of The Tribune report, the High Court of Punjab and Haryana has ordered an investigation on the alleged rapes and has appointed advocate Anupam Gupta as amicus curiae on the case. The next hearing is scheduled for March 14.

The Tribune report quoted an eyewitness as saying a few the women were reunited with their families at Sukhdev Dhaba after the alleged rapes. The owner of the dhaba, Amrik Singh, was quoted as saying that he learnt of these incidents around 3 am on February 23, when women were heard wailing. However, Singh appears to have withdrawn his statement, with some reports claiming he has said there were no incidents of rape in the area.

Singh was unavailable for comment when The Wire tried to contact him. However, The manager of the dhaba, who did not want to be named, claimed the reports of assault around Murthal were part of a political conspiracy against the BJP. “I am not from the BJP, but these rumours of rape are being spread just to defame them. Gundas (goons) from other parties were sent here, they were the ones rioting, burning cars and harassing travellers who refused to get out of their cars,” he said.

Sukhdev Dhaba along NH-1. Credit: Akhil Kumar

Sukhdev Dhaba along NH-1. Credit: Akhil Kumar

When specifically asked about the reported rapes, he said that it was illogical that families would have tried to leave in the middle of the night as the roads had been blocked all day and people took shelter wherever possible. “The bras and other articles of clothing may have been planted,” he said, about the clothes that were allegedly found along the highway where the assaults were said to have occurred.

Many villagers are furious with the extent of news coverage the alleged incidents have garnered. “Some truck drivers just wanted to come on TV, that’s why they said all of those things. They were forced to tell the truth in front of the police and withdraw their statements to the media. They are maligning the community and their demands,” said a shopkeeper near Sukhdev Dhaba, who did not want his name disclosed. Two truck drivers had previously come forward to say they had seen women being dragged into farms and raped. However, they did not confirm their statement when questioned by the police.

Single complaint of rape

When we visited the local police station at Murthal, we were told no questions could be answered as the case was under the deputy superintendent of police, but did say that no complaints of rape or sexual harassment had been made.

In a telephonic conversation with The Wire, Sonepat DSP Satish Sharma said the only complaints of sexual harassment received were the ones made by the truck drivers. Although 14 complaints of arson and murder threats were received, none of those mentioned anything about women being sexually harassed, Sharma said, adding that the police too did not find any evidence of rape and assault in their investigations so far. The police has sent for forensic analysis the articles of clothing found along the highway and is awaiting this report, he said.

However, a Narela-based woman has filed an FIR against seven persons, including two of her brothers-in-law, alleging that they gangraped her in Murthal on the night of February 22. However, with reports claiming the woman has filed rape complaints twice before, one of which was proven false by the police, her allegations have met with derision.

“She already has some family property dispute,” said the shopkeeper outside Sukhdev Dhaba. “Nobody from this area has complained, and she has filed false cases before. The Jat community is being defamed by these people. Even her local panchayat had a meeting about her actions and condemned them. Now she is not coming out of her house, she is too scared,” he added.

Veil of silence

Many of the villagers we met claimed they were “not in the area” or “in Delhi” during the agitations and therefore could not say anything about what happened during that time. Female villagers living close to the police station said that though there was chaos in the region, they had not heard of any attacks on women.

In Larsoli village, many women were stopped from talking to us by male family members. The village sarpanch too dismissed the allegations of rape, saying, “Nothing of that sort (rapes) happened here, definitely not in our village, and probably not anywhere in the region. There were roadblocks and some destruction of property. But none of these things about women being assaulted is true. It is all part of a political campaign from those who oppose the agitation and want to delegitimise it.”

The demeanour of the villagers would suggest that nothing extraordinary had taken place in the area, with everyone quick to say that everything was now peaceful. However, there appears to be more than what meets the eye.

Women’s organisations and civil society members are not satisfied with the way the investigation have been handled and have demanded a “free and fair” probe into the allegations of sexual violence.

Rajkumari Dahiya, from the All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA) who visited the site the day after the reported incidents, said, “When we first went, everyone seemed agreed that something of this sort (the rapes) had happened even though people were not willing to speak out openly. But now the mood has changed. Nobody is willing to say anything. Everyone is scared that members of their families will be picked up by the police and implicated in the incident if they speak out.”

“The rapes and cover up in Murthal are yet another instance of sexual violence condoned and tacitly encouraged by a BJP government. It’s a shame that (Haryana Chief Minister Manohar Lal) Khattar who tells schoolgirls to avoid skirts to be protected from rape, is covering up a mass rape on his watch,” added Kavita Krishnan, secretary of the All India Progressive Women’s Association.

“The role of state machinery is not trustworthy regarding the investigation. As they have been trying to hide the facts since initial stage. But those who have visited Murthal and around including the fact finding team of AIDWA feel that circumstantial evidences also support the media reports. A free and fair investigation is absolutely necessary of the incidents,” says a release from AIDWA.

The local community vehemently dismisses all media reports of sexual violence and rape, and although the facts are yet to be ascertained, the atmosphere in Murthal remains shrouded in mystery.