India’s Q2 GDP Contracts by 7.5%, Economy Slips into ‘Technical Recession’

However, the overall drop in the rate of GDP contraction, compared to Q1, indicates that India is on the path to economic recovery.

New Delhi: India’s economy contracted by 7.5% in the July-September period (Q2) of FY’21, according to new data released by the National Statistics Office (NSO), even as curbs imposed to restrict the spread of COVID-19 pandemic were eased and broader economic activity resumed.

With the latest data, India’s quarterly GDP has contracted for the second straight quarter, thus plunging the economy into a historic ‘technical recession’ – an outcome that was predicted by the Reserve Bank of India and many others. 

According to National Statistical Office data, GDP growth for Q2 contracted 7.5% from the same quarter last year.

This, however, is a significant improvement in comparison to the unprecedented 23.9% drop seen in the April-June quarter (Q1) of FY’21. Indeed, many analysts and government officials believe that India’s economic recovery will be swifter than earlier projected, with a number of GDP predictions being revised upwards for the whole financial year.

In gross value added (GVA) terms, the Indian economy contracted 7% compared to a contraction of 22.8% last quarter.

Also read: PM Eco Advisor Says GDP Could Fall Upto 9% This Year, Calls For Stimulus Financed by Gold Amnesty

Another set of government data released on Friday evening indicated that eight ‘core infrastructure’ sectors of the Indian economy saw a 2.5% contraction when compared to the same quarter last year.

While India has now entered a technical recession, the overall drop in the rate of GDP shrinkage indicates that India may be over the worst economic effects of the coronavirus pandemic.

The Q2 GDP data shows significant improvement in terms of private consumption (PFCE contracted 11.3% in Q2 compared to a drop of 26.7% in Q1) and investments (GFCF contracted by 7.3% compared to a significant drop of 47.1% in Q1).

Manufacturing, a relatively bright spot

Sectoral data released by the NSO on Friday evening also showed that two areas (manufacturing and electricity and other public utilities) recovered from the contraction seen in Q1. Manufacturing grew 0.6% in Q2 after a sharp fall of 39.3% in the preceding quarter. Electricity and other public utilities grew 4.4% against a contraction of 7% in Q1.

The agriculture sector, which wasn’t deeply impacted by the pandemic, grew 3.4% in Q2.

“Q2 GDP at –7.5% buttresses recovery as captured by several high frequency indicators. Economic impact is primarily due to COVID-19. Good news is falling daily cases are due to lower transmission & not due to lower testing. To sustain economic recovery, caution must continue,” the finance ministry said in a statement.

Acts of God and the Follies of Men

For the Modi government, both God and the Constitution have become legal fiction.

A ‘legal fiction’ is an idea or a concept which doesn’t actually exist in fact, but is mandated to exist by law or convention or belief for the larger good of mankind. Some important examples of legal fiction are the rule of law, justice, human rights, democracy and social equality. They don’t exist in the real world but we are led to believe that they do, for they are essential for an orderly, stable society: without them we would descend into chaos.

In recent days in India, even the Constitution appears to be a legal fiction. God too is a legal fiction. He doesn’t exist (at least not to the satisfaction of science) but it is important to believe that He does, for a pious and stable society. But this is one fiction that the BJP-RSS combine has exploited to the hilt and used to come to power like no other political outfit has done before or after.

The Ram Mandir movement and the construction of the temple in Ayodhya is the best example of this. (This was in fact an instance where two legal fictions coalesced to serve the BJP’s purpose – God and justice, the latter in the form of the inexplicable Supreme Court judgment on the matter which laid low the hopes of one community but raised a certain judge to parliamentary heights.)

But fiction is something the ruling party is comfortable with, since practically all its vaunted achievements and promises are nothing but fiction, if not fantasy: economic growth, a $5-trillion economy, eradicating the pandemic in 21 days, making India a vishwaguru, leading the world in climate change reforms, providing ten million new jobs a year, eradicating black money, uniting the nation and revolutionising the tax structure with the Goods and Services Tax.

There are more such creative chimeras, but these should do to illustrate my point, which is that our present dispensation has erased the distinction between fact and fiction. Including the distinction between its own actions and the actions of God. The official confirmation of this was the recent statement of our finance minister that our horrendous economic slump of -23.9% was “an act of God” and that therefore the Centre was not bound to pay the GST dues to the states. Actually, the Act of God too is a legal fiction!

Also read: Avoiding a Lost Decade: How Do We Go From Global Pandemic to Prosperity For All?

Now, Sitharaman is a deeply religious person: she doesn’t eat onions, her quotations from the ancient classics are far more authentic than her Budget figures, and she believes that the mythical Saraswati river is as real as the “green shoots” of the economy – the only problem being that only she can see these chimeras, no one else. So what are we to make of this blasphemy from a devout lady, who otherwise has very little in common with that other great believer, Diego Maradona of the “hand of God” fame. But Maradona at least had won his match, whereas our finance minister seems to be losing hers.

Her Delphic statement has befuddled political commentators and economists, who in any case are not known for their clarity of thinking. Even rampaging TV anchors have taken their eyes off Rhea Chakraborty and Kangana Ranaut to decipher this observation. Does it mean that Narendra Modi has been finally elevated to Godhood, since it is only thy hand, Great Anarch, that can conduct this orchestra of despair and perdition? Or is it a final admission of sovereign fraud, the state joining the ranks of Vijay Mallya and Nirav Modi, to deny us what is rightfully ours?

Sitharaman also did not explain the obvious paradox in her claim about this act of God: how is it that a Hindu God inflicted such punishment on his own peoples, or conversely, why is a Hindu nation blaming its own God? This quandary brings to mind that immortal verse by Ogden Nash:

“How odd of God
To choose the Jews,
But odder still are those who choose
A Jewish God and spurn the Jews!”

A similar confusion appears to prevail here, but maybe it can still be clarified in this session of parliament. I am aware that we no longer have the Question Hour, since there are no answers left, but perhaps the matter can be taken up suo moto in the manner of contempt cases. After all, we now have a retired (or is it retreaded?) Ranjan Gogoi to advise the government: Show me the God and I’ll show you the rule.

For it is apparent to anyone who does not swear by banana republic channels that Sitharaman and her capo are fast losing the plot, not by acts of God, but by Acts of parliament and acts of sheer arrogance: the CAA, the NRC, the NIA, GST, UAPA, demonetisation, the lockdowns, the Rs 20,000 crore for the Central Vista project, the enforced migrant exodus, the Rs 2,000 crore budget for the 2021 Kumbh Mela, the Bullet train which is already a spent bullet – all while the bottom has been knocked out of our economy, the dragon is comfortably curled up on our northern borders, and we will be celebrating this Diwali by becoming the global number one in the “Ease Of Getting Infected” chart, all set to overtake the US in the coronavirus hit parade.

Economists have had to invent a new revival diagram for us, we are told that the Indian economy is likely to have a K-shaped curve for its recovery, the two diverging prongs from the perpendicular indicative of the massive inequality that will result. This K-shaped curve will in future times be known as the Kedarnath curve, where the Supreme leader, meditating in a Himalayan cave, will levitate to transcendental heights along with his jhola and a few A-lister corporate buddies, while the suckers like you and me (the lower prong) will plummet to the depths of bankruptcy and ruin. This, in essence, is the K curve. To misquote Winston Churchill: Never have so many given away so much to so few.

Also read: Top-Down Decision Making Will Not Help Improve Farmers’ Incomes

But elections still have to be won. The time for taking credit is over, it’s now time to pass the buck. The gods can be appeased later, perhaps when the Ram Mandir is consecrated or Kashi and Mathura brought into the fold, but right now it’s blame game time. The banking system is about to collapse with a possible further moratorium on Rs 40 lakh crore of outstanding loans, the states may start retrenching employees and cutting back on pensions and salaries, 23 million salaried jobs have already been lost. Elections are due in Bihar and Bengal and somebody has to carry the can.

And so the government and the BJP are upping the blame game ante. They had begun by blaming the Mughals, then the British, graduated to the Gandhis (the poor unoffending Mahatma included), moved on to Manmohan Singh and finally settled on Jawaharlal Nehru. But there is only so much earth you can pile on to a person who has been dead now for half a century, and with the mess piling up faster than you can say “Holy shit!”, some other scapegoat was needed.

What better than a celestial scapegoat cloaked in unchallengeable divinity, to whom no Question Hour applies, a legal fiction which cannot be questioned on pain of a jail term? Yes, sir, blame it all on acts of God. And when the good times (and the GDP growth) return, conflate that God with one individual, redact the earlier statement, and roar “Hail to the Leader!” But what if the good times are in no hurry to return? Who does one blame then? Well, there’s always the Holy Ghost.

Avay Shukla is a retired IAS officer. A version of this article appeared on his blog and has been edited by The Wire for style.

Watch | ‘Centre’s GST Options Are Unconstitutional, We Won’t Accept it’: Manish Sisodia

Delhi’s Deputy Chief Minister Manish Sisodia says the Centre’s suggestions on GST compensation are also legally untenable. 

Delhi’s Deputy Chief Minister Manish Sisodia says the Centre’s suggestions on GST compensation are both unconstitutional and legally untenable. 

Pointing to the GST provisions as set down by law and in previous council meetings, Mr Sisodia said it was always clear that the onus of filling revenue gaps and compensation lay with the Centre. 

Speaking to Mitali Mukherjee, Sisodia also said he feared this was a very dangerous precedent for federalism; if the Central Government reneged on its legal commitment to pay states, any future policy decision would be regarded with suspicion by states, as there would be no guarantee that the Central leadership would keep its word. 

The Union has not paid the constitutionally mandated Rs 1.5 lakh crore of GST compensation to states for the months of April-July in the current fiscal year. The reason is that cess collections have not been enough to make payments. It also expects that the total shortfall in GST compensation to the states will be Rs 2.35 lakh crore in the current fiscal year. Of this, the Centre claims, Rs 97,000 crore is on account of GST implementation and the rest is due to the external shock of the pandemic.

States have been told that they can exercise two kinds of borrowing options to meet this shortfall — either borrow the entire Rs 2.35 lakh crore, or borrow Rs 97,000 crore.

Also read: The Great GST Impasse Threatens India’s Federal Structure

The method of communicating these options  was also extremely unfair, said Delhi’s Deputy Chief Minister. After many hours of dialogue at the GST Council meeting, the Finance Minister made an announcement about the two options the Centre was offering states  towards the end of the meeting – with neither any consultation or discussion regarding the AG’s recommendations.

Mr Sisodia also said the revenue loss for all states was extremely grim – Delhi was staring at a loss of Rs 21,000 crore for the full year on account of the pandemic and the lockdown that hit economic activity.

He also said several states including Delhi, West Bengal, Punjab , Kerala and others were determined to fight this unfair decision.  In his words, “We must make up our minds, are we living in a democracy or a dictatorship.”

Acts of God and the All-Important GST Pact Between the State and Centre

It is at times like this that the Centre must step up, and not hide behind the language of private contracts.

The unchecked spread of the coronavirus pandemic across the country has put the Indian economy, society and polity under unprecedented stress.

A glimpse of the magnitude of the economic destruction wreaked was revealed at the 41st meeting of the GST (Goods and Services Tax) Council, where the shortfall in compensation cess for this year was estimated at around Rs 2.35 lakh crore. This would lead to a huge reduction in revenues for States at a time when they needed it the most, engaged as they were on the front-lines of the battle against the pandemic.

Yet it was the stance of the Centre in this whole affair that has led to a fair amount of controversy.

Terming the pandemic as an “Act of God”, Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman revealed that the Centre would not be able to make good the shortfall. Instead, it outlined proposals that would involve States borrowing in order to raise resources. While states accuse the Centre of not giving them their due, the Centre, citing legal advice from the Attorney General, has claimed that it has no obligation, due to the extenuating circumstances, to repay the shortfall in a time of sustained crisis.

Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman chairs the 41st GST council meeting via video conferencing in New Delhi. August 27, 2020. Photo: PTI

The stance of the Centre in this matter is extremely worrying in a number of respects. For one, the entire burden has been put on States at a time when they can scarcely afford it. More importantly, the language used by the Centre, claiming an ‘Act of God’, reveals a distressing tendency for the Centre to step back at the same time when it is most needed. The ‘Act of God’ is a clause used in private contracts to indemnify one or both parties from carrying out the terms of the contract due to events beyond their control.

It is worrying that the Centre conceives of itself as a private player in a market economy, when what is urgently required is for it to transcend this role. In adopting the logic of a private contract, the Centre is jeopardising the social contract upon which our democratic system rests.

Shifting the burden

As a result of the implementation of the GST, some states would see a shortfall in collections. They are due a compensation cess to make good this shortfall. The compensation cess has been estimated at Rs 3 lakh crore in this current financial year, of which only Rs 65,000 crore has been collected, leaving a shortfall due to states of Rs 2.35 lakh crore.

The Centre has outlined two proposals for states to make good on the shortfall, both of which involve additional borrowing by the states. The Centre says that it could either borrow a sum of Rs 97,000 crore from the RBI (which, they calculate, is the shortfall solely due to the implementation of the GST), or borrow the entire sum of Rs 2.35 lakh crore. The Centre says that it would create, along with the Reserve Bank of India (the RBI), a “special window” for the States to borrow the sum of Rs 97,000 crore, which might involve lower interest rates. It is not clear whether this window would be available for the entire 2.35 lakh crore, which might involve some borrowings from the market.

Also read: GST Compensation: Kerala, Delhi Criticise Centre’s Borrowing Options

These methods would mean that the Centre would not need to disburse any funds to the States. States are rightfully aggrieved, since they are effectively being asked to make good the shortfall in resources on their own. They might have to imply higher taxes on certain goods down the line, as States scramble to raise funds to repay these loans. 

Either method, however, involves additional borrowings by the states, which would raise debt burdens at a time when resources are in extremely short supply. While this would free up resources and fiscal legroom from the Centre, since they would no longer have to pay these funds to states, states face a difficult choice between the present and the future. Either they borrow more for greater resources today while shouldering a debt burden in the future, or they limit borrowings today in exchange for future flexibility. Both choices severely limit their ability to combat a pandemic that shows no signs of slowing down.

Outside of control?

Acts of God, or force majeure clauses, are used in contract law to protect parties in a contract from circumstances that may arise outside of any one party’s control. For instance, insurance companies would not pay out vehicle insurance if the car is lost in an earthquake; if they had to do so for every car lost in the natural disaster, they would go bankrupt. 

While private entities in a situation of profound economic distress may claim force majeure to protect against risks, the government of a country must not do so. In a situation of economic uncertainty, private agents would not wish to invest, since they may foresee huge losses ahead. 

Also read: GST Council Meeting: Stage Set for Stormy Meeting Between States and Centre Over Compensation Payment

If every agent does so at the same time, the economy would contract, and livelihoods would be lost. What is required is for an agent external to the market to step in and carry out spending, so that economic activity is supported. The only agent that has the financial ability to do so is the Central Government. It must either tax, borrow, or “print” money – in conjunction with the RBI – in order to raise the resources required. 

In claiming force majeure, the Centre is implicitly claiming that events are out of its control. In actuality, there is much more that the Centre can do to arrest the economic decline. The Centre is choosing to limit its interventions, shifting the risk onto those who are unable to bear the risks. State governments, and ultimately common citizens, are the ones who will face the ultimate burden of a slowing economy and a rampaging pandemic.

Social and private contracts

How exactly does the Centre view its relationship to the citizenry? A prominent theme in early 18th Century philosophy was the notion of the social contract. It characterised society as operating as if a contract was signed by all citizens, where a sovereign government was obeyed by all, conditional on the fact that certain rights and freedoms was protected. This conception arose from the recognition that there are immense benefits to be had from living in an organised society.

There are, of course, many different ways to conceptualise the social contract, and many different ways in which it has been – rightfully – criticised. But it captures an essential truth of our societies. Any democratic society cedes immense powers to the government, namely, the power of taxation and control of law order. In return, we ask that the government preserve our rights and liberties, and protect us from forces beyond our control, such as a global pandemic, or a massive threat to lives and livelihoods.

Also read: ‘Act of God’ Situation May Result in Economic Contraction, Says Nirmala Sitharaman

The current justification used to not pay GST dues shows that the central government is using the language of the private contract in place of the social contract. A private contract is limited to the interactions between both parties that sign the contract, and allows one party to walk away in case of events beyond anyone’s control. Moreover, a private contract assumes that the costs of contract failure can be borne by the two parties involved alone. But the logic of a private contract is not applicable in the current situation, because the failure of the “contract” between the Centre and states imposes a huge burden on those not party to the initial contract. The citizenry will have to bear the burden when states cut back on developmental spending. The Centre is not abiding by its social responsibility to bear the risks and burdens that individuals simply cannot.

In upholding the logic of the private contract, the social contract is in danger of being irrevocably damaged. The only entity that can adequately combat the effects of the pandemic is retreating at a time when it is most needed, neglecting the responsibilities and duties it has been entrusted with. Human progress and development in modern societies have been built on growing recognition that an individual must never be subjected to the vagaries of nature and the market. In a time of an existential global threat, we cannot let acts of god weaken the essential bonds that hold federal and democratic societies together.

Rahul Menon is assistant professor, School of Livelihoods and Development, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Hyderabad.

GST Compensation: Kerala, Delhi Criticise Centre’s Borrowing Options

The Centre on Thursday placed before the GST Council two options for borrowing by states to meet the shortfall in GST revenues, pegged at Rs 2.35 lakh crore in the current fiscal.

New Delhi: The Delhi and Kerala governments criticised the two options placed before the GST Council by the Centre for borrowing by states to meet the shortfall in tax revenues due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

The Kerala government on Thursday termed the options as “unacceptable”. Opposing the options for the Goods and Services Tax (GST) compensation proposed by the Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman, Kerala finance minister T.M. Thomas Isaac said in both options, the states will have to sacrifice a part of the compensation.

He made it clear that full compensation was a constitutional right of the states.

“Full compensation is constitutional right of states.

Unacceptable.#GSTCouncilMeet,” Isaac said in a tweet on Thursday night.

Earlier in the day, the Centre placed before the GST Council two options for borrowing by states to meet the shortfall in GST revenues, pegged at Rs 2.35 lakh crore in the current fiscal.

Briefing reporters after the 41st meeting of the GST Council, Sitharaman said in New Delhi that the economy is facing an extraordinary ‘Act of God’ situation, which may result in economic contraction.

As per the Centre’s calculation, the compensation requirement by the states in the current fiscal would be Rs three lakh crore, of which Rs 65,000 crore is expected to be met from the cess levied in the GST regime. Hence, the total shortfall is estimated at Rs 2.35 lakh crore.

The options provided by the Centre include a special window to the states, in consultation with the RBI, at a reasonable interest rate for borrowing of Rs 97,000 crore. The amount can be repaid after five years (of GST implementation) ending 2022 from cess collection. The second option before the states is to borrow the entire Rs 2.35 lakh crore shortfall under the special window.

Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman chairs the 41st GST Council meeting via video conferencing, in New Delhi, Thursday, August 27, 2020. Photo: PTI

Delhi government’s criticism

Meanwhile, Delhi finance minister Manish Sisodia accused the Centre of “betraying” federalism by refusing to pay GST compensation to states, and demanded it take a loan from the RBI on behalf of his government, which he said is facing a revenue shortfall.

Under the current hybrid system (of governance), the Delhi government cannot take a loan from the RBI, Sisodia said. “The Centre should take a loan from the RBI on behalf of the Delhi government,” he said.

Sisodia, also Delhi’s deputy chief minister, said the city government estimates a revenue shortfall of around Rs 21,000 crore in the current financial year.

Sisodia also charged the Centre with failing to fulfil its promise made to the states when the GST regime was launched four years ago. “The Centre had promised that it will pay GST compensation to states at the rate of 14% for five years in case of a revenue shortfall. But, today at the GST Council meeting, the Centre refused it, saying there was no provision in law for compensation in situations like a pandemic,” Sisodia said in a briefing.

He accused the Centre of “double standards”.

“In the first two years, when the Central government earned extra cess of Rs 47,000 crore, which was supposed to be given as compensation, they kept it in their fund. Today, when the revenue is decreasing, they started taking the opinion of the attorney general on whether they are liable to give this amount to states or not,” he said.

Sisodia also alleged that the Centre has “failed” to properly implement the GST regime, which was why it could not neither control price rises nor boost the revenues of the states.

“I am not against GST, but the Central government has failed to implement it properly. Had they implemented it properly, the states would not have to beg like this. First, the Centre failed in implementing GST reforms properly, and now they are betraying states and running away from its responsibility of giving GST compensation,” he said.

refusal to pay compensation is the “biggest betrayal” in the history of Indian federalism, says Sisodia. Photo: PTI

“The Delhi government collected Rs 7,000 crore less tax in the first four months of the fiscal. It will have a shortfall of Rs 21,000 crore in the whole year.

“The Central government should take a loan on our behalf as we also need to pay salaries to our doctors, teachers, engineers and other employees,” he said.

If there were no GST, the states would have managed taxes and expenses in their own way. But after joining the GST regime, they had to surrender most of their rights to the GST council, he said.

Sisodia claimed that many states, including some BJP-ruled ones, demanded compensation from the Centre in the meeting.

They quoted the minutes of previous meetings of the GST Council where it was “clearly stated” that the Central government “takes full responsibility” to compensate them in case of revenue shortfall, he added.

Landmark NGT Judgments Hold Private Firms, Not God or Government, Responsible

Activists are hopeful that the judgments will help deter private companies from functioning with impunity and under the cover of governmental apathy.

Activists are hopeful that the judgments will help deter private companies from functioning with impunity and under the cover of governmental apathy. The judgments in both cases acknowledged governmental inaction in dealing with environmental damage.

A rig addressing the oil spill off the Mumbai harbour in January 2011. Credit: felixdance/Flickr, CC BY 2.0 NGT

A rig addressing the oil spill off the Mumbai harbour in January 2011. Credit: felixdance/Flickr, CC BY 2.0

The National Green Tribunal (NGT) covered new ground for the ‘polluter pays’ principle by invoking it in two landmark judgments last week. First, it ordered Alaknanda Hydro Power Co. Ltd., a hydroelectric power company, to pay Rs 9 crore as compensation to people affected by Uttarakhand floods in 2013 because the dam constructed by the company contributed to the flooding experienced by residents of the region. Second, it fined Delta Marine Shipping Co., a marine shipping company, Rs 100 crore for the oil spill and ensuing ecological damage caused when one of the company’s ships sank off the coast of Mumbai in 2010.

The judgments in both cases are important instances of the NGT exercising its power to fix liability and hold private companies responsible for the environmental damage they cause. These judgments set a precedent for shifting the monetary responsibility of rectifying ecological damage from the government to the private actors responsible for causing the damage. The decisions will save taxpayer money and, importantly, the Alaknanda case is a rare example of affected civilians successfully suing a corporation for compensation.

Upendra Baxi, emeritus professor of law at the University of Warwick, wrote in an email, “These decisions are truly inaugural. They subject economic enterprises to a code of environmental jurisprudence.”

Ritwick Dutta, an environmental lawyer who served as counsel in both cases, stated that Alaknanda is the first time that a private company has been held responsible for damage precipitated by a natural disaster. It was also the first time that the NGT has used the ‘polluter pays’ principle to fine a marine shipping company for causing ecological damage.

Until now, according to Dutta, “The stand of the ministry of environment and forest has been that dams don’t damage the environment.” He added that previous court decisions reflected this way of thinking as companies would use an “act of God” defence to shun liability for the damage caused and instead ascribe it to floods and natural disasters.

However, in this case, the tribunal determined that the cloud burst on June 16 and 17, 2013, caused extreme amounts of rainfall in the region that collected in the dam’s reservoir. The company’s subsequent decision to open the dam’s sluice gates “resulted in [a] massive flow of water suddenly sweeping away the muck dumped on the river body and carrying it to the villages and the area flooded by the floods,” stated the judgment. The tribunal also noted the company’s negligence when it came to executing safety measures for disposing of the muck generated during the dam’s construction, another factor that exacerbated the flood-related damage.

Using the legal definition of ‘accident’, which means “an accident involving a fortuitous or sudden or unintended occurrence”, the tribunal determined that the loss of damage and property suffered by the applicants was indeed accidental. However, it still charged the company with paying compensation to those affected by the Uttarakhand floods by invoking the principle of no-fault liability. The principle is applied when the defendant in a case is held liable and expected to pay compensation even if their actions are not responsible for the damage caused.

The tribunal concluded by issuing directions, starting with: “Alaknanda Hydro Power Co. Ltd.-GVK to deposit an amount of Rs. 9,26,42,795 as compensation to the victims within a period of 30 days from the date of order.”

Baxi echoed Dutta’s positive take on the judgment, “The idea that there are pure natural disasters without any human human responsibility is firmly rejected in the Uttarakhand Case. Collective and corporate responsibility is encoded in the notion of foreseeability and the NGT has done well to accentuate this.”

The marine case

In the Delta case, the NGT used the ‘polluter pays’ principle to impose a fine on Delta Shipping Marine Co., a Panama-based shipping company, for the damage caused when a ship owned by the company sank and caused an ecologically devastating oil-spill off the Mumbai coast in 2011. Notably, the tribunal extended the principle to include Adani Enterprises Ltd., the intended recipient of the ship’s cargo of coking coal.  

The ship was carrying over 600,000 metric tonnes of coal in its holds, over 290 tonnes of fuel oil and another 50 tonnes of diesel. The resultant oil spill caused grave damage to the mangrove forests and marine ecology of the region. The formation of tar balls on the ocean’s surface adversely impacted aquatic life in the area as well.  The applicants even provided evidence to prove that the dispersants used to clear the oil spill were also harmful to the marine ecology of the affected region.

The tribunal ruled that “no party from any country in the world has the right/privilege to sail an unseaworthy ship to the Contiguous and Exclusive Economic Zone of India and in any event to dump the same in such waters, causing marine pollution, damage or degradation thereof.”

Dutta expanded on this order, saying that India currently functions as a “dumping ground” for old ships that are not seaworthy, citing the fact that Gujarat is home to the largest ship-breaking yard in the world. Thus, according to him, private companies are able to send old ships to India and incur very low liability on their part. The ship that sank in 2011 was kept in use by Delta despite its potential unseaworthiness.

Baxi wrote on the marine case judgment, “The NGT seems to have equally firmly dealt with the marine pollution case. No longer corporate immunity and impunity may extend to saying that loss belongs where it falls! Shipping companies may not ply unseaworthy ships either in coastal territorial waters or the high seas.”

Dutta too hopes that the NGT’s decision to fine Delta will ideally deter shipping companies from “taking the seas for granted.”

“The Indian coast is becoming increasingly vulnerable as there is significant increase in all types of oil tankers/bulk carriers/container ships passing through the Indian Ocean,” the applicants stated to the NGT while presenting cause and evidence for their case against Delta, Adani and other involved actors.

Additionally, the tribunal ordered Adani Enterprises to pay Rs 5 crore as “environmental compensation” and stated that the fine of Rs 100 crore “shall include the expenses incurred by the Coast Guard and other forces for the prevention and control of pollution in different ways, as stated above, caused by the oil spill and saving the crew etc.”

The judgment also ordered the formation of a committee to determine whether the ship’s wreckage needs to be removed from the site and to calculate the monetary cost of off-setting the ensuing environmental damage. Delta will have to remove the ship’s remnants within six months of the committee filing its report.

Implications of the verdicts

Dutta is hopeful that these judgments will help set a precedent for the future and deter private companies from functioning with impunity and under the cover of governmental apathy. The judgments in both cases acknowledged governmental inaction in dealing with environmental damage.

In the marine case, the NGT was “forced to come in”, said Dutta. Apart from the symbolic value of the judgment, imposing a fine on the polluter also shifts the monetary burden of rehabilitating the environment from the government to the responsible private company in question. “When the government handles rehabilitation, rescue and restoration projects in the aftermath of such cases, it draws from taxpayer money to do so” said Dutta. In the Alaknanda case, he hopes that the official acknowledgment of the fact that dams contribute to flooding will boost the cause for those who are against building dams.

He cited an academic paper by Maharaj Pandit and Edward Grumbine that states that the Himalayas are set to have the highest density of dams of any mountain range in the world. The paper, which was published in May 2012, states that the region’s dam density will be “nearly 62 times greater than current average global figures” and that the Himalayan average would be “1 dam for every 32 km of river channel”. This could greatly increase the danger of flooding and devastation in the area.

Dutta also noted that the Alaknanda dam implicated in this particular case has a capacity of 330 MW but dams with capacities as high as and over 500 MW can cause significantly larger amounts of damage in case of flooding or heavy rains.

While the two cases are similar in their use of the ‘polluter pays’ principle, the difference lies in the population affected. In the marine case, Dutta said the judgment on the 2011 oil spill, which mostly impacted the ecological system and not a particular community, has arrived “too late in many ways for rectifying the ecological damage.”

In the Alaknanda case, a specific group of people was directly affected by the action and inaction of Alaknanda Hydro Power and compensation will have to be distributed to residents of the affected region. Dutta thinks the efficient and organised distribution of the compensation by the government is the most crucial step that lies ahead.

Referring to both cases, Dutta explained that Indian “jurisprudence is not very well developed” when it comes to assessing environmental damage. He added that in such cases the “evidentiary burden also falls on the petitioners.” He acknowledged that though litigiousness is very common in Western countries and accommodated in their legal systems, this culture of litigiousness has not reached India in the same way. The overburdened status of Indian jurisprudence and the consequent slow processing of cases acts as another deterrent for potential petitioners or applicants. 

Additionally, it has been rare for people affected by events such as the 2013 floods to seek help from the legal system. Dutta ascribed this to two problems. “First, most people don’t know that such forums exist. And the people who go through such events have already suffered so much” that it impedes their desire and resources for taking on such cases. Second, he added that the lengthy processing time of such cases is also a deterring factor. To sum up he said, “For all the damage that takes place, only a fraction is brought before the courts.”

Ramkishore Mankekar, the group head of corporate communications at GVK (the corporation charged in the Alaknanda case), wrote in an email, “We are contemplating to refer an appeal before the Supreme Court of India against the orders of the NGT.” There was no response from the Delta International Group.

Baxi commented on the possibility of the companies appealing, “Of course, there is a right to appeal to the Supreme Court. One hopes that the Supreme Court does not exercise the full appeals power and upholds the NGT decisional law by dismissing this at the threshold, if only to avoid the indictment of its robust ‘pro-environment’ approach that it has largely ‘upheld the concerns of middle-class environmentalism’ (as rightly said by Geetanjoy Sahu, Environmental Jurisprudence in India, at 67—68, Orient Blackswan, 2014).”