The recent case of fratricide in an Army cantonment is but a precursor to issues that demand immediate attention and course correction in the way the security establishment is addressing security and human resource challenges. A slew of demonstrations and a flurry of defence procurements in March-April 2023 have been making headline news. These, however well orchestrated, are not likely to deter the strategy of the adversary to our north: China. The operational readiness and operational capability of the defence forces must remain the prime concern of the security establishment.
With the induction of Agniveers and female soldiers in many branches of the forces, it is imperative to read the tea leaves given events like these show up to a discerning military mind. That there will be pressure on the Agniveers to get selected after four years of service will lead to competition to please seniors within units is a foregone conclusion. As only 25% will be retained, there is a strong likelihood of exploitation of the recruits. Junior leaders at the unit level will have to focus not only on the basic training of these soldiers to bring them up to speed (as they are being inducted with far less basic training unlike earlier), but will also have to devise new man-management skills to deal with emerging issues in combat leadership.
Agniveers training in Secunderabad on January 10, 2023. Representative image. Photo: Twitter/@dprohyd
The political mileage and chest-thumping being drawn out of the Agniveer recruitment for garnering credit and thereby votes by citing job creation have reached a new level. The Chief of Naval Staff recently attended the Passing out Parade (PoP) of the first batch of Agniveers with much ado and publicity. The rush to allocate such importance to the investiture of recruits when a service chief rarely attends the PoP of officers (that generally is the prerogative of regional commands) is curious and superfluous.
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The highest courts in the land have been issuing diktats both on induction and speedy reconciliation to promotions for women in the forces, especially so in the officer ranks. The impetus towards gender equality that these edicts provide notwithstanding, it is for the government, the Ministry of Defence and the three services to work out suitable mechanisms to induct and keep secure the interests of ladies in the profession of arms.
When the services had opened up a short service commission for lady officers, the terms of service were clearly spelt out and all who joined accepted them. The court orders have forced the Army to now hold special selection boards to waive many policy requirements regarding the grant of command to female officers – definitely a case of dilution of standards to say the least. To now retrospectively grant permanent commission and grant promotions and even command of units all due to fear of contempt of court is unfair to the other male short-service officers who have also been released from service after completion of their terms.
The case of female soldiers and officers getting separate duties and being protected in predominantly male workplaces and field areas will exacerbate the pressure on the junior leaders and male middle-rung officers. Change must be heralded but without haste and preferably slowly and definitely without the threat of contempt.
It is, therefore, imperative that the senior hierarchy focuses on two fronts, first, to familiarise themselves and the security establishment with the new realities of a changing service structure and, second, to project to the government and the courts the need to bring about changes deliberately and progressively.
The display of cutouts of political leaders at the combined commanders’ conference held at Bhopal recently also is a means of political projection. Such vote-garnering gimmicks not only degrade the sanctity of service norms but also projects the defence forces as subservient to politicians. The combined commanders’ conference being a purely military and services affair is best left to the men in uniform with strategic guidance from the executive (if any has been formulated as a national security policy).
Giant cutouts of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, defence minister Rajnath Singh, and Madhya Pradesh chief minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan erected at the venue of the Combined Commanders’ Conference in Bhopal drew criticism. Photo: ANI via Twitter/@MandeepBajwa
In general, the trend of using the service chiefs as props of political leaders in defence expos and air shows as well as the launch of defence production special zones is best avoided. Instead, the service chiefs and C-in Cs who are at the top level in an extremely hierarchical structure and have to be treated with circumspection by the government and their views must be accepted and sometimes even acceded too even if it means standing up to the overstepping by one of the pillars of government. On their part, the service chiefs and C-in Cs will do well to be discerning and not let political agendas drive their itineraries.
The issue of operational preparedness is another area that is being repeatedly showcased and projected too frequently and every exercise or training event is projected as a capability demonstrator. Focus has to shift from demonstration to capability development across the board and not in penny packets such as airborne troops, Special Forces or amphibious capabilities of the Tri-services. There is much at stake and the looming threats will not be wished away.
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Reports suggest that China is not only rapidly ramping up habitat and military capability in areas opposite Ladakh, Arunachal and also Doka la in the land frontiers, but also the islands of Myanmar. Reports mention satellite imagery confirming the development and expansion of the existing runway in Cocos Island which is 55 Km to the north of India’s Andaman and Nicobar Tri-service command.
In addition, Signal Intelligence (SIGINT) facilities have come up in the great Coco Island, Ramree Island on the Arakan coast, Hangyii Island in the Irrawaddy Delta, in Rangoon and the Kra peninsula. These new activities indicate a shift in the Indian Ocean strategy of China to a higher gear especially when read in conjunction with Hambantota port in Sri Lanka and Gwadar in Pakistan.
The Indian security establishment has more than a plateful to focus on and will need to find cogent counter capabilities to these clear and present dangers. The establishment of border villages via the Vibrant Villages programme is a welcome step and has also resulted in infrastructure development for the Army, ITBP and border road camps along the 1,126 km long state’s border with the Tibetan Autonomous (TAR) region of China. However, there is a huge mismatch in the quantum of effort being put in by China which as it is has a head start.
The massive deployment of a total of Rs 44,036 crore of the defence capital budget in the last month of FY 2022-23 while welcome is also mostly for contracts to Indian manufacturers and Defence PSUs and more a case of utilising unused allocations in a last-minute rush. Pushing hurriedly ordered combat equipment without adequate quality control is fraught with obvious pitfalls to operational preparedness. The quality and quantum of production of indigenous equipment need strict monitoring and the users, i.e. the services must be made directly responsible for quality checks and final acceptance rather than the present quality assurance mechanism which has been found wanting.
There are radical developments that pose a serious challenge to national security. The government of the day must repose faith in the service chiefs and their concerns regarding policy-making within the security establishment and also avoid using security issues as a poll plank.
Major General Amrit Pal Singh (Retd) was Divisional Commander of an Army division in Northern command and Chief of operational logistics in Ladakh (2011 to 2013).