Bengaluru: In poll-bound Karnataka, the primary concern of most Muslim voters seems to be that ‘Karnataka should not become another Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Jharkhand, Rajasthan or Madhya Pradesh’, all ruled by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), where instances of mob lynchings in the name of gau raksha (cow protection) and large-scale violence against Muslims as well as attacks on religious structures of the minorities are on the rise. Their concern, on the face of it, might look to be misplaced and bizarre because Karnataka is not far behind when it comes to incidents of communal violence. While replying to a question in the Parliament in March this year, the minister of state for home affairs, Hansraj Gangaram Ahir, said that in 2017, Karnataka had registered the highest number of communal violence cases (100) after Uttar Pradesh (195), and was followed by Rajasthan (91), Bihar (85) and Madhya Pradesh (60).
“Karnataka should not become like a state in the North,” said Kouser Fathima while talking to The Wire. According to Fathima, a Bengaluru-based dentist, “Everything might not be as good for Muslims in Karnataka as it should be, but so far there is one thing that is assured to us, and that is our security.” Citing cases of violence against Muslims, Dalits and other religious minorities in states like UP, Rajasthan and Haryana, she said, “I will vote for the Congress.” However, she is quick to add, “My vote is not for the Congress, but Siddaramaiah.” Fathima believes the incumbent chief minister has done good work not just for the Muslims but for all those who are poor and marginalised. When asked about the high number of cases of communal violence in the state, she argued that “the numbers might be high, but these cases are not as brazen and large-scale in UP or Rajasthan.”
Human rights activist and lawyer Vinay K. Sreenivasa makes a similar point when asked about the high incidence of communal violence in the state. “The intensity and scale [of communal violence] is nothing compared with what we have been witnessing in the North,” said Sreenivasa. Home ministry data too support Fathima and Sreenivasa’s point. In 2017, according to Ahir’s reply in the Rajya Sabha, “As many as 44 people were killed in Uttar Pradesh in 195 communal incidents, followed by 12 deaths in 91 such incidents in Rajasthan.” On the other hand, in Karnataka, which witnessed hundred communal incidents in 2017, only nine people were killed.
As per the latest Census (2011), Muslims constitute around 13% of Karnataka’s population and are mostly concentrated in Bengaluru, Dakshina Kannada and parts of North Karnataka. In Bidar, which has more than 30% Muslim population, many people from the community told The Wire that they would vote for the Congress. In neighbouring Kalaburagi as well, which has a higher Muslim population than Bidar, many people from the Muslim community affirmed their support for the Congress. Notably, out of 12 sitting Muslim MLAs, four are from the North Karnataka, all from the Congress party. Overall, 10 out of these 12 Muslim MLAs belong to the Congress , while the remaining two are from Janta Dal Secular (JDS).
Not all is good
But it is not as if the Muslims are very happy with the present government. Muslims from different areas of Bidar, Kalaburagi, Bijapur and Bengaluru, whom The Wire spoke to, complained about non-implementation of special schemes for minorities, and the benefits of general welfare schemes. such as Indira Canteens. not reaching areas where Muslims were concentrated. According to Shahed Ali, who lives in Noor Khan Taleem locality of Bidar and heads the Bidar Youth Empowerment Association, “There are special schemes for minorities that have been launched by Siddaramaiah, but these are not implemented properly.” Citing the example of Shaadi Bhagya, he said, “Most of the beneficiaries are still waiting for their entitlement.”
Mubashir Sindhe, who lives in the same locality and is associated with the Welfare Party of India (WPI), concurred with Ali: “It is one thing to announce schemes – and another to implement them properly.” Sindhe complained that the Siddaramaiah government was high on announcing schemes, but low on proper and timely implementation.” Ali and Sindhe’s grouse was corroborated by a news report published in the Hindu, at least as far as the Shaadi Bhagya scheme is concerned. “As per data provided by the Directorate of Minorities, Karnataka, only 14,702 beneficiaries have received the benefit of the scheme since its inception in November 2013, whereas 27,594 eligible applications are still pending,” the newspaper reported.
In Bijapur, supporters of the sitting Muslim (Congress) MLA, Makbul S Bagawan, were furious when they heard that their MLA has been not been given a ticket by the party. Usman Gani Balsing, a local activist informed The Wire that, “When Bagawan was denied a ticket, a meeting was called to discuss the next plan of action. Initially, there were suggestions that Bagawan should contest the elections independently. But the idea was turned down by the MLA himself, stating that he did not want to divide the secular vote,” said Balsing, who was also present at the meeting. “In fact, the MLA later appealed to his supporters and voters publicly to rally behind the new candidate in order to defeat the BJP. In Bijapur, some Muslims might vote for JD(S), but they will largely go with the Congress,” said Balsing.
According to Kalaburagi-based educationist and state president of WPI, Abdul Hameed Faran, “By and large, Muslims will go with the Congress as they don’t want to divide the secular vote.” Faran, whose party is contesting four seats, argued that, “In the long run, we also want to defeat the Congress, but as of any now, any attempt to replace Congress will directly help the BJP.” He was of the view that, “Unlike the BJP, at least the Congress is not opposed to the very idea of secularism, which is under threat nationally.”
Interestingly, the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), led by Hyderabad MP Asaduddin Owaisi, which initially expressed its willingness to contest assembly elections on more than 100 seats, backed out arguing that their entry would divide the secular votes. The AIMIM is supporting the JD(S), which, in the past, has formed the state government both with the BJP as well as the Congress. With JD(S)’s presence, the contest may become a triangular fight on some seats as a section of the Muslims might go with the JD(S). However, given the party’s recent past, not many in the state believe that it will make a major dent on Muslim votes. And AIMIM’s support will not make much difference. “Muslims will vote for the JD(S) only if either the candidate is credible or the winnability factor of the candidate is high,” said Fathima.
Meanwhile, Congress has allotted tickets to Muslims candidates after much deliberation. The party has fielded only 17 candidates out of the 224 seats, one less from the previous elections. Out of these 17, two were allotted seats at the last moment though the strike rate of Muslim candidates in the previous elections was a good 50% as, in 2013, the Congress won nine seats out of the 18 tickets that it gave to the Muslims.