Saharanpur (Uttar Pradesh): “Aapne kabhi cheating nahi ki kya? (Have you never cheated?)” asks Saleem Rehman with a chuckle, after he asked to pass off his answers as those of his brother, BSP candidate for Saharanpur Haji Fazlur Rehman. Though said in jest, it seemed indicative of the broader fraternal dynamic – Fazlur may be the official candidate, but Saleem lurks behind the scenes as the puppeteer.
A stark contrast to Fazlur, who exudes a rather dignified air, Saleem’s half-solemn, half-teasing demeanour leaves you perpetually unsure of whether he is serious or not. This doublespeak is an unassailable political asset – where Fazlur is bound by the rigidity of electoral rules, Saleem navigates the political landscape with ease, his words treading the thin line between proper and improper, moral and immoral, legal and illegal.
Fazlur Rehman campiagn stickers. Credit: Chahat Rana
The Saharanpur Lok Sabha constituency is set to go to polls in the first phase on April 11; and campaigning, officially beginning two weeks prior to election day, has been in full swing. The political battleground is split three ways – between BJP’s Raghav Lakhanpal, the sitting MP from Saharanpur, Congress’s Imran Masood – nephew of five-time Saharanpur MP Rasheed Masood – who lost to Lakhanpal by 65,000 votes in the 2014 general elections, and a relative newcomer to the political scene, Haji Fazlur Rehman, an influential businessman whose foray into politics began with the 2017 nagar nigam (municipal corporation) elections, where he lost to BJP’s Sanjeev Walia by 22,000 votes.
Fazlur, contesting on a Bahujan Samaj Party ticket, represents the grand – or mahagatbandhan – between the BSP, Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Lok Dal in Uttar Pradesh.
Though Fazlur’s name is not as widely known, his nomination as part of the grand alliance has made him a formidable opponent. In a constituency with a large Muslim-Dalit population (42% Muslims and 22% Dalits), Fazlur’s candidacy on a BSP ticket seems strategically aimed at securing the minority vote. On one hand, he is projecting himself as a patron of Muslims; on the other, his BSP backing ensures that the Dalit vote is squarely on his side. Additionally, OBCs – comprising Yadavs, Gujjars and Jats – seem to be tilting towards him, given the backing he has received from the SP and the RLD. All in all, Fazlur is in an enviable position, standing at the epicentre of a varied but consolidated vote bank.
“Let me tell you the facts of this election,” says Saleem, as we follow Fazlur’s car on the campaign trail. “The upper caste vote bank lies with the BJP. The Dalit vote bank is staunchly with the BSP. That leaves the OBCs and Muslims – they are the swing votes in this election.” While the OBC vote is more or less assured, Saleem feels that the Muslim vote in Saharanpur could be divided, especially since both the Congress and the grand alliance candidates are Muslim. A vote split between the Congress and the grand alliance, he fears, will only work in the BJP’s favour.
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At a rally outside senior SP leader Sahab Singh Saini’s house, a party worker reiterates the same concern to the 100 or so gathered men: “You have two Muslim candidates before you: One (Imran Masood) threatens to hit people with his shoe, the other (Fazlur Rehman) talks about development. One is merely 12th pass, the other is a graduate from Aligarh Muslim University. So vote for Fazlur Rehman, and don’t let the Muslim vote get divided.” A similar refrain pervades most speeches, and is followed by scattered applause.
Fazlur makes no speech, and soon we’re back in the car, this time with the candidate as well. Fazlur is silent when asked why he chose to fight the elections, and once again Saleem dons the mantle of the candidate’s official spokesperson. “See, our family is the biggest beef exporter in west UP. We’re also the highest tax payers in this part. So clearly we live a comfortable life. But Rehmanji is almost 68 years now. He feels like it’s time to give back to society,” says Saleem. “We spend Rs 1 lakh on charitable causes every day. In addition to this, all the widows in this city – Hindu and Muslim – get a monthly pension of Rs 1,000 from our organisation. We’re really trying to uplift those who need help, and politics means power – and power is necessary for this kind of upliftment.”
Fazlur, who graduated from Aligarh Muslim University’s 1972 batch, belongs to a family that is one of the largest beef exporters in the country. His official asset declaration form for the 2017 Nagar Nigam elections lists his combined wealth as upwards of Rs 2 crore – with Rs 1,53,39,058 in moveable assets and Rs 93,61,100 in immoveable assets. “Par problem yeh hai ki log jante hai ki inke paas paisa hai. Toh har baar, humse paise nikalne ki koshish mein rehte hain (The problem is that people know he has money. So they keep trying to get money out of him),” says Saleem. “Election mehnga pad jata hai (Elections are expensive).”
After a pause, he continues, “Recently, someone complained that we were distributing food to our people, and so we had to shut it down because it’s a violation of the model code of conduct.” The official expenditure limit for campaigning varies across states is Rs 70 lakh. But according to Saleem, this is not enough to cover the cost of organising a successful campaign. Mobilising voters, feeding them, even organising adequate media coverage can all add up to be expensive, he says.
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As we enter the last stretch of the campaign trail, Nangal village, which has a majority Dalit population, Fazlur sits up straight. As the car traverses the inroads of the village, he waves at the people gathered on both sides. It’s easy to see that the Dalit vote is on his side; but BSP patronage is not the only reason for this. Rehman is also endorsed by the local Bhim Army, a Dalit organisation that shot to national prominence after the 2017 Thakur-Dalit clashes in Saharanpur.
“We stand firmly with Fazlur Rehman,” says Bhim Army Saharanpur in-charge Kamal Walia. “Businessman hain; hospitals main chanda dete hain; bahut ache insaan hain (He is a businessman; he donates to hospitals; he a is very good person).” But after a pause, he adds, “Par samajik pakad nahi hai. Log unhe jaante hi nahi (But he isn’t as socially clued in. People don’t know him).”
A poster of Kamal Walia at the Bhim Army office in Saharanpur. Credit: Chahat Rana
As it gets hotter, the enthusiasm outside is waning. While the programme continues, a party functionary suddenly stops a speech midway to censure party workers for their lack of enthusiasm. “Saathiyon, I know all of you have been here for a while and are tired. But you can’t be so dead; aur josh dikhaao (show more enthusiasm). Aapke liye khana bhi lag raha hai, par tab tak jumke naare lagaao! (Food is being laid out for you, but till then shout slogans with all your might!) Fazlur Rehman zindabad!” A feeble echo resounds from the audience: ‘Fazlur Rehman zindabad.’
Neha Mehrotra is a fourth-year student of English and media studies enrolled in the Ashoka Scholars Programme at Ashoka University.