Note: This column was originally published by the Rising Kashmir on May 25, 2018 and first appeared on The Wire on June 15, 2018 and is being republished on June 14, 2019, Shujaat Bukhari’s first death anniversary.
In the last 12 years, 1000 journalists have died in different parts of the world, killed while doing their job, of collecting and disseminating information to their readers and viewers. More often than not – in 9 cases out of 10 – the perpetrators have not been brought to justice.
In India, we have seen how journalists are increasingly being targeted – the last year alone saw 12 journalists being killed. We in India are proud of the constitutional guarantees of freedom of speech – yet, the country now ranks 136th among 180 countries in the World Press Freedom Index, behind even its neighbours.
To focus on this critical issue, the United Nations has declared November 2 as International Day to End Impunity for Crimes Against Journalists. This is an effort to “make the perpetrators understand that their crimes will not remain unpunished, that 1000 journalists will rise when one will fall…”
Publications around the world are participating in this initiative, called #TruthNeverDies. The Wire is committed to this cause and fully endorses the spirit behind this effort by UNESCO to focus attention on this troubling state of affairs. We also hope the various authorities will ensure that not only journalists can do their job in a safe and secure environment, but also that anyone causing harm is brought swiftly to justice.
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Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s day-long visit to Jammu and Kashmir on May 20 was little different from his past forays to the state, though he again missed the point by not addressing the issue politically. Still, he departed from his own stated position that only reflected a hard line and concurred with what the state machinery had been doing on the ground to deal with the highly charged situation. From the army to the Jammu and Kashmir Police, there has been no looking back as far as the bullet-to-bullet and bullet-to-stone policy is concerned.
Somehow, New Delhi changed tack ahead of Ramzan and announced a conditional ceasefire that would put to halt operations against the militants while “retaliatory” actions would continue. The impression that Modi wanted to play politics by not publicly endorsing the “ceasefire” announced by home minister Rajnath Singh was also dispelled since he owned it and even mentioned that the government earlier had given amnesty to thousands of stone throwing youth.
Modi’s and Rajnath’s policy vis-a-vis Kashmir has been at a crossroads since the 2016 uprising, post-Burhan Wani’s killing. Rajnath chose to remain silent after his efforts for a political outreach were sabotaged by a section in the power corridors of Delhi which enjoyed the patronage of Modi himself. So it was given to understand that the “ceasefire” call would be left to Rajnath, as defence minister Nirmala Sitharaman had rejected the call from chief minister Mehbooba Mufti only three days before it was announced. However, Modi not only put to rest that speculation but also appealed to the youth to return to the “mainstream”, a term he hurriedly explained meant to their homes and mothers.
A woman takes a selfie with Union home minister Rajnath Singh during the Iftaar party hosted by Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Mehbooba Mufti, at SKICC in Srinagar, on Thursday, June 07, 2018. Credit: PTI/S. Irfan
This was in contrast to his known approach towards Kashmir and its volatile situation. A year ago, he had offered a stark choice to Kashmiris. “I want to tell the youth of Kashmir that they have two ways ahead … On one hand, you have tourism and on other hand you have terrorism,” he declared at a function to inaugurate a tunnel along the Srinagar-Jammu highway on April 3, 2017.
But this time he offered them development and asked them to come back to their homes. Has Modi softened his stand to this extent? This needs to be seen in the backdrop of many developments that are taking place regionally and internationally. At the same time, Modi did not come out of the mindset Delhi has been plagued with – that is to look at Jammu and Kashmir through the prism of development, security and strategic needs. He again invoked former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s line to follow “Kashmiriyat”, may be for the ninth time since 2014, though he omitted “jamhooriyat” (democracy) and “insaniyat” (humanity) this time. Modi has failed to walk the talk on this account.
He said the only solution to Kashmir’s problem is “development, development and development”. He is wrong, given the history of the conflict and the resistance the people have shown since 1990 and before, besides the development that has taken place. If development alone were the answer, then Modi himself announced a mega package of Rs 80,000 crore on November 7, 2015. Though it is a matter of debate how much had come as its major portion was for central projects envisaged during Rajiv Gandhi’s time; still these sops have not diluted the political content of the resistance on the ground.
Also read:
- Shujaat Bukhari, Editor of ‘Rising Kashmir’, Shot Dead in Srinagar
- The Numbers Prove Kashmir Is No Safe Haven for Journalists
- How Long Will the ‘New’ India-Pakistan Ceasefire Last?
One is reminded of the destruction that had taken place during the peak of militancy from 1990 to 1996. When Farooq Abdullah came to power in 1996 he took up the Herculean task of rebuilding thousands of schools, hospitals, bridges and other infrastructure. He also gave jobs to roughly 1.5 lakh people. But he could not change the politics of the conflict and even lost the election in 2002.
Others, too, followed the development mantra but failed. If Modi’s Rs 80, 000 crore package and the many jobs that were created after 2015 was the real answer to the groundswell for “azadi”, then Kashmir would not have witnessed the 2016 uprising that was marked with anti-India sentiment. Notwithstanding the fact that thousands of youth line the recruitment centres of the same army that they chase in towns and villages with stones, the storyline of the Kashmiri being at far distance from Delhi is not blurred. Modi talking about development alone goes against the past and present of Jammu and Kashmir, and for the future too it does not hold any promise unless the political nature of the conflict is accepted.
The incident of May 21 in a village in Shopian where the army had organised an iftar for the people is a grim reminder of the fact that Kashmiris don’t see it as their “own army”. They resisted the iftar and protested, which led to the army opening fire and injuring many. This battle for winning hearts and minds has already failed.
The Centre’s interlocutor, Dinesh Sharma, who was also mentioned by Modi in his speech, has not made any difference for want of his mandate and role. Meeting people to address the issues of breakdown of electric transformers and roads was not something he was supposed to do. Since he lacked the mandate to talk about political issues, his relevance has already been hit, pushing him to oblivion.
Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Mehbooba Mufti welcomes Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Srinagar. Credit: PTI
At the same time, certain developments need to be connected to the “not so harsh” tone Modi had while he was in Kashmir.
First, that Delhi has been facing a tough time in defending civilian deaths during encounters, and “Operation All Out” has turned out to be counter-productive in many ways though a large number of militants have been killed. Hence the ceasefire – to give a break and bring the situation to a level wherefrom it could be taken to a different level.
Another development that can be linked to the changed tenor was the peace overtures with Pakistan. They first came with conciliatory messages from both the army chiefs and the latest was defence minister Nirmala Sitharaman indicating on May 21 that “any comment on wanting peace will definitely be taken seriously” when told about the Pakistan army’s recent indication of supporting a peaceful resolution. The re-opening of Track-II after the Neemrana Dialogue resumed last month and other measures through the back channel suggest that Delhi is willing to do “business” despite heightened tension along the international border that claimed many lives in the past one week.
Since Modi is facing pressure on the domestic front on many counts ahead of the 2019 elections, he is preparing the ground to see that the SAARC summit takes place. Instead of rhetoric, he might prefer “peace” to be sold to the electorate. Relations with Nepal and Maldives are also indicating towards this thread. In order to get Pakistan on board for a successful SAARC summit, it is imperative to cool down tempers in and on Kashmir. In this backdrop, the next few months will be interesting to watch.