Seventy-Five Years Since Independence, Industrial Working Class Still Struggles for Rights

The silence of the government in responding to the demands of the working class is deafening.

The Indian working class was a proud participant in the anti-imperialist struggle against British rule in India.

Whether it was the six-day strike of the working class of Mumbai in 1908 – one day for each year of the sentence of Bal Gangadhar Tilak; the attempts of the Ghadar Party organised by Punjabi immigrant workers in Canada, who sailed to India in 1914 to overthrow the British; the four-day old Solapur Commune of 1930, when the workers took over the city, that ended in the hanging of four workers Mallapa Dhanshetty, Qurban Hussain, Jaganath Shinde and Shrikrishna Sharda; the Meerut Conspiracy Case of 1929 in which 31 working class leaders from all corners of India were rounded up and tried in what became a focus of international solidarity; the storming of the Calcutta Congress Session by the workers in 1930 spurring on the “Poorna Swaraj Resolution”; the actions of the Kisan Sabha and the Workers Peasants Party which in 1937 led to resolutions of zamindari abolition by the United Provinces; the actions of the dock workers of Mumbai and Kolkata in 1945 refusing to load ships taking supplies to British troops during the Second World War; and finally the heroic support of the Mumbai working class led by the Communists to the Mutiny of the ratings of the Royal Indian Navy in 1946, which received no support from either the Congress or the Muslim League, but which resonated in massive protests not only of Indian recruits in the Navy and Air Force from Karachi to Calcutta, but also the citizens of Ahmedabad and Trichinopoly. This proved to be the last nail in the coffin of the British Raj. The official count of the civilian fatalities in Mumbai on February 24, 1946 was 236 but unofficial sources say more than 400 workers and common people lost their lives.

During this period, the All India Trade Union Congress, the first working-class federation, which later on became  affiliated to the Communist Party of India, had an extremely broad political support and its presidents ranged from Lala Lajpat Rai to Jawaharlal Nehru, Subhash Chandra Bose and Sarojini Naidu. The organisation of the Independent Labour Party by Dr B.R. Ambedkar in 1937, which contested several successful elections, also played an important role in raising the consciousness of the workers of the depressed classes.

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On the other hand, in 1944, “A Brief Memorandum Outlining a Plan of Economic Development for India” (popularly known as the ‘Bombay Plan’) was published, the signatories of which were J. R. D. TataGhanshyam Das BirlaArdeshir DalalLala Shri RamKasturbhai LalbhaiArdeshir Darabshaw Shroff, Purushottamdas Thakurdas and John Mathai. The Bombay Plan advocated an interventionist state and an economy with a significant public sector. Evidently the capitalist class at that time sought to channelise nationalist aspirations into developing a sound infrastructure that could lay the foundation for a thriving domestic private industry.

The early wins

Our Constitution bears the stamp of these values both in Articles 23 and 24 (Fundamental Rights Against Exploitation) which prohibit forms of forced labour and the employment of children below 14 years of age; but more importantly in the Directive Principles of State Policy which are described as being “not enforceable by any court” but “nevertheless fundamental in the governance of the country”. These include promoting and protecting a social order of social, economic and political justice and the minimising of inequalities in income, status and opportunities (Article 38); the right to an adequate means of livelihood, distribution of the ownership and control of material resources of the community to subserve the common good, an economic system which does not result in the concentration of wealth and means of production, equal pay for men and women, and that the health and strength of workers and the tender age of children are not abused for reasons of economic necessity (Article 39); effective provision for securing the right to work and to public assistance in cases of unemployment, old age, sickness, disablement, and other cases of undeserved want (Article 41); just and humane conditions of work and maternity relief (Article 42); a living wage, conditions of work ensuring a decent standard of life and social and cultural opportunities including promoting cottage industries on co-operative basis in rural areas (Article 43). No doubt these sentiments are also imbued in the Preamble to the Constitution more specifically so with the addition of the word “socialist”.

Of course, in practice, whatever the working class achieved in terms of wages, or standard of living, or rights to unionise, or protection from precarity in the century following 1920 when the AITUC was formed and the earliest labour laws were promulgated, was through extremely hard-fought battles extracting great sacrifices. The Factories Act limiting working hours and setting safety standards; the Industrial Disputes Act laying down a procedure for conciliation and adjudication of disputes; and the Industrial Employment (Standing Orders) Act regulating the grading of workers and disciplinary action upon then; The Employees State Insurance Act providing, apart from general health needs of the worker and his/her family, also for the diagnosis and treatment of occupational diseases; and The Minimum Wages Act which protected the workers from starvation-wages were all enacted in the initial years following independence.

In the 1950s, different groups of workers, through their striking power, were able to get passed The Dock Workers Act, The Mines Act, The Plantation Act, The Cine Workers Act and even The Working Journalists Act. This was followed by the Payment of Bonus (in proportion with profits earned) and Payment of Gratuity Act in the 1960s. With the recognition of collective bargaining between the recognised central trade unions and industry bodies, industry-wide national standards for wages and safety through periodic revisions by the Steel Wage Board, Cement Wage Board, and the Coal Wage Board came into existence.

A growing private sector

Even as the workers struggled ahead like the legendary Sisyphus pushing the stone uphill, the growing political clout of private industry in politics which first fed on, then competed with, and finally overtook  the public sector, meant that the public sector now had to “make profits” rather than be “the agent of peripheral social and economic upliftment.” As the time went on, permanent workers were seen as lazy and overpaid, unions were demonised, demands grew for labour flexibilities (ie hire and fire), and even the most basic regulation began to be designated “Inspector Raj”.

This meant growing levels of mechanisation to cut manpower, but even more – contractualisation for cost cutting, even when technology remained unchanged. In the setting up of the public sector, (while farmers and tribals were often unjustly dispossessed) a large concentrated working force of directly employed “permanent workers” had been created. Just as an example, the Bhilai Steel Plant set up in the late 1950s had an initial manpower of 96,000 permanent workers. Now there are about 10,000 permanent workers and around 40,000 contractual workers paid not even a third of their wages. In the cement industry the proportion of permanent workers has come down to 10% or even lower.

The Contract Labour (Regulation and Abolition) Act, 1970 was one of the last Acts passed in favour of labour in the industrial sector. The Act lays out in its Statement of Objects and Reasons that, ”It was the general consensus of opinion that the system should be abolished wherever possible and where this system could not be abolished all together, the working conditions of contract labour should be regulated so as to ensure payment of wages and provision of essential amenities.” The route of abolition was to be through government notifications as also through the inquiries and recommendations of the Advisory Boards.

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A few important notifications were made – for instance in cleaning jobs in government concerns, but then not only did the notifications stop, but the subsequent orders under the Act were usually for exemption from some prior notification! Even so the struggle of contract workers for regularisation and parity with permanent workers continued. The “unkindest cut of all” came in the form of the Judgment of a 5 Member Bench of the Supreme Court in 2001 (SAIL & Ors. Vs National Union Water Front Workers & Ors), which ruled that even if contract workers were found working against posts in which contract labour had been abolished, it would not result in absorption of those contract workers, but rather they would be retrenched and the positions would be filled through the proper recruitment process. Which contract worker would now go to court to get their job abolished?

Contractualisation basically means that workers have the threat of losing their jobs hanging over their head; they cannot unionise, and they are usually paid at most the minimum wages stipulated the state government, even when they may be carrying out skilled and hazardous work in the core production of an industry.

The epic Railway Strike in 1974 involving 17 lakh workers had brought the country to a standstill for 20 days. It is said to have been one of the precipitating factors for the Emergency being promulgated, and eventually for a new regime to come to power. It also marked the beginning of a rapid casualisation and contractualisation of railway workers. Today apart from the loco-pilots and the travelling ticket examiners, no one else is employed by the Railways including the Catering Staff, the Cleaning Staff, and even the Gangmen.

The Great Strike of the textile workers of Mumbai in 1982 involving about 2.5 lakh workers of 65 mills ended tragically with mill closures and mass dismissals. Till today, workers of many of the closed mills await their final dues. The city of Mills has in the last three decades become a city of interspersed slums and Malls. A large proportion of the families of the old mill hands continue in the city as self-employed in informal micro businesses or driving autos/taxis.

Cotton green mills, c. 1910 in front of the Taj Mahal Hotel, Colaba. Photo: Public domain

The brave struggle of the workers of Maruti Suzuki, Gurgaon from 2011-12, for recognition of their union and regularising contract workers, despite having forged remarkable unities with other workers of the region, was crushed mercilessly. Even today a handful of leaders remain in jail accused of conspiring to kill a manager.

The long road ahead

Today in terms of employment share, the unorganised sector employs 83% of the work force and there is only 17% in the organised sector. However, if we look at the nature of employment, 92.4% of all workers are informal workers, ie those with no written contract and thus excluded from the benefits of labour laws.

The pitiful levels of wage of the working class has been starkly stated in a recent report of the International Labour Organisation (“Wage and Minimum Wage in the time of COVID-19”). It says that real wage growth in India was one of the lowest in Asia. India’s “real wage” grew by a paltry 2.8% in 2015, 2.6% in 2016, and 2.5% in 2017, while it remained flat in 2018. Even among its immediate neighbours, such as Pakistan, Sri Lanka, China, and Nepal, India’s real wage growth was poor. Pakistan’s wage grew 8.9% in 2015, and 4% each for the next three years, Vietnam grew between 3.7% and 12.4%, while China grew by 5.5-7% in the past four years. Even prior to Covid, in 2018, the report claimed that in PPP (purchasing power parity) terms) India’s gross monthly wage of $215 was third from the lowest after Bangladesh and Solomon Island among the 30 countries of the Asia Pacific Region.

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According to the Union labour minister, 1.14 crore of workers walked back to their villages during the lockdown, 30 lakh of them from Uttar Pradesh alone. How precarious the condition of these workers was, can be seen by the fact that they did not even have enough surplus to last a week after the lockdown was declared. A large proportion of them returned, as agriculture could not support them, and rural wages had also declined. According to the ILO, after COVID-19, informal workers saw a 22.6% fall in wages, even as formal sector employees had their salaries cut by 3.6% on an average. The middle class, enraptured by consumer services, fails to see the tragedy of the impoverished Zomato/Swiggy/Amazon delivery boy on his ramshackle bicycle, weaving in and out of traffic at a frantic pace, at all times of day and night at starvation wages.

Migrant labourers on Mumbai-Ahmedabad highway as they head home in the middle of nationwide lockdown in 2020. Photo: PTI/Files

Today, in a time when only a tiny percent of the working people are unionised, and various sections of the unorganised sector are struggling to get specific laws passed and implemented in their favour – notably the construction workers, domestic workers, safai karmacharis, hawkers – the Central government has chosen to bring in four Labour Codes replacing 46 existing labour laws. Almost all unions across the political spectrum including on many occasions the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh affiliated to the BJP, have expressed apprehension regarding the impact of this enormous sea change of legal regime.

Forming a trade union has been made more difficult; the concept of a permanent worker or a Principal Employer have been abolished – now there will be term contracts and the contractor will be the employer; a vaguely defined floor wage (can anything be less than a minimum?) has been suggested; the requirement of maintenance of several kinds of registers and inspections has been done away with and replaced by self-certification; and trade unions will no longer have access to balance sheets to negotiate bonuses. A Joint Platform of Trade Unions called for a general strike on March 28-29 which many independent unions also supported. The demands were for scrapping the four labour codes, opposing privatisation and the National Monetisation Pipeline, supporting the demand for MSP for the farmers, enhancing the minimum wage etc. Though around five crore workers in the coal, steel, banking, postal services, copper, oil sectors did indeed strike work, the silence of the government is deafening.

Alas Sisyphus, the stone has to be rolled up all over again. But be sure, it will.

Sudha Bharadwaj is a human rights activist, trade unionist and lawyer.

This article was first published in the People’s Union for Civil Liberties bulletin.

Ludwig Lewisohn’s 1927 Book Has Lessons for Indian Minorities Today: A Review From Jail

An exploration of Jewishness written long before the Holocaust shows how fraternity and solidarity are required to overcome majoritarianism and fascism.

A month ago, Sudha Bharadwaj wrote the following review by hand in Mumbai’s Byculla Jail. While her friends and family typed the text for possible publication, Bharadwaj was diagnosed with a heart disease. As she remains incarcerated in an overcrowded prison on the basis of contentious charges for her alleged involvement in the Elgar Parishad case, appeals for her bail are ongoing.

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I was starved for reading material in jail when The Defeated, a philosophical novel by Ludwig Lewisohn came into my hands from the jail library. Both the title and author were unknown to me. First published in 1927, this book is the story of successive generations of Jews migrating from Russia to Germany and America. It speaks with great empathy, pain and sensitivity not so much of Jewish society as of the inner struggles of individuals of successive generations as they deal with the continuing discrimination they face in diverse forms; how they try to cope with their “Jewishness” in different ways – by mimicry, self-hatred, flights of fancy, cutting off their roots, anger, and religious conversion; and how the ultimate protagonist, Arthur, comes to terms with his Jewishness by accepting it and setting out to help other suffering Jews.

Ludwig Lewisohn

In its narrative over nine books, interspersed with passages on the history, psychology, culture and religious notions of the Jews as well as passionate philosophical ruminations, the book vividly sets out what “being Jewish” means.

What struck me was that this novel precedes both the Holocaust and today’s aggressive Israeli state that denies freedom and dignity to Palestine and yet carries in it so clearly the seeds of both apprehensions. Clearly, even then in 1927, the writing was on the wall for anyone who cared to see it.

Today, when it is critical to understand “being a Dalit” or “being a Muslim” to comprehend how a majoritarian Hindutva mindset becomes “the mainstream” and “other-ises”, puts down and demonises other identities, this piece of literature provides a rare, deep insight into “being Jewish.”

The story of the Levy family is related from the time of Reb Mendel and his wife Braine in Russia in 1840, through their son Efraim and his children, Tobias, Bertha, Rose, Samuel and most importantly, Jacob in Prussia, and finally ends with Jacob’s children – Hazel and the main protagonist, Arthur Levy, in America around 1925 when anti-Jewish pogroms were going on in Rumania (today’s Romania).

Braine, Efraim and Tobias

Reb Mendel wants to understand more of the world and feels attracted to Isaac-Ber Levinsohn’s Beth-Ye-Huda, which proves from the history of Israel that “pious and holy Jews had in all other lands and ages cultivated profane science and philosophy.” He rebels by giving up his position as a ‘melamed’ (scripture teacher) in Russia, where Jews are forced to sink their synagogues deep in the ground and not raise their eyes except when praying. His wife Braine’s father had been extremely wealthy and was looted and devastated in the Polish anti-Jew uprising of 1840. While Mendel joins a rich distiller, Bratzlawer, his wife disapproves. Like her father, she believes intensely in “Jews being the chosen people” who have to be “divided from all other nations” in their ways. Much later, after the death of Mendel and even the prosperity of her son Efraim, when she’s about to die, Braine leaves for Israel to die there. She always speaks to Efraim and his sister about a chest from which her father would extract a parchment to read alone in his room with tears rolling down his cheeks. It is this parchment which finally falls into the hands of the main protagonist, Arthur, the grandson of Efraim, in book nine.

Efraim joins Bratzlawer’s business in his youth, making himself indispensable, and later marries Bratzlawer’s daughter, Hannah. They take the name of Levy and move to Insterburg, Prussia, where they shift from the Yiddish language to German, except when they wish to converse privately about their ‘shikse’ (gentile) German peasant helpers. But they still observe “the Law of Israel in form” and go to the orthodox synagogue, rather than the “reformed intensely German” one.

Yitzhak Arad, Yad Vashem, Alina Bothe, Lewi Stone, Tel Aviv University, Shoah, Holocaust, Operation Reinhard, Operation Reinhardt, Adolf Hitler, World War II, Deutsche Reichsbahn, German National Railways, Reinhard Heydrich, Wannsee Conference, Poland, concentration camps, Final Solution to the Jewish Question, Nazis, Rwandan genocide, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka

Jews being deported to the Bełżec concentration camp in April 1942. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

Though the businesses of East Europeans like Efraim are eventually outdone by the sophisticated West Europeans, Efraim’s eldest son Tobias grows up in an idyllic feudal set-up in a beautiful German landscape. The memories of his childhood are of the fairy tales told and folk songs sung by the affectionate German peasant women in the spinning room, not of the fears of his ancestors. He feels oppressed when he is sent to the “cheder” (Jewish primary school) to learn Hebrew and Jewish scriptures. He finds the other Jewish children there poor and dirty and the gentile children gather to throw stones at them.

Tobias has an excellent career at the gymnasium (college) of Insterburg; his modest well-behavedness and the help he readily gives his blond-haired, blue-eyed classmates who find learning a burden gain him friends. But despite his giving his very heart in his friendships, he can only get the status of “a confidential upper servant” even as his friends’ sisters giggle and ridicule him behind his back. He realises that whereas any decently intelligent gentile can enter a career of judgeship, for a Jew to do the same, he must be “a veritable paragon of learning, tact and devotion.” He feels ashamed of the poor Jewish students that the professors smile at; even ashamed of his own father with his sing-song Jewish accent. His fear is that if he is classed with them, what will become of his career?

He meets Burghammer, an elegant Jew, whose father had had him and his siblings baptised. Burghammer tells him, “We are Protestants. Yes, the Junkers [the land-owning aristocracy of Prussia] cut us socially but the state is on our side. Our Jewish brains are needed. Count Bismarck consults my father twice a month, he raised the money for the Austrian War…”

Some years later, after participating in the 1870 war effort, Tobias becomes independent of his father’s allowance and sends some generous sums for his siblings’ education. In 1880, he informs his father that he has married the daughter of Burghammer and taken his wife’s name. What he doesn’t reveal is that he has also been baptised by a notorious anti-Semitic preacher. But his father understands and feels like “shredding his clothes and strewing ashes on his head” for this ‘geshmatt’ (turncoat) as if hearing of a death.

Theodore Burghammer becomes a distinguished jurist. When his shopkeeper brother Samuel, in a bankrupt state, once searches him out, Theodore gives him more money than he has seen in his life and quickly hurries out “for an important appointment”. Theodore never sees any of his family again. When he is politely informed of his mother’s death, he initially buys a ticket for Insterburg but crumples it up at the station. The money he wires to his father is returned. The next month he is appointed as a ‘Justizrath’ (counsellor of justice).

Polish Jews captured by Germans during the suppression of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising. Photo: United States Holocaust Museum/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

The justizrath and his wife build a palatial house in Berlin with the fortune she inherits, where “all literary and artistic Berlin crowd” gather mostly Jews. Though he has become a great man, unaffected by “the anti-Semitic ribaldries of press and pulpit” and the “growing roar of the race-conscious Nordics”, sometimes he becomes extremely distressed. Then a secret agent is asked to seek out his brothers and sisters, who get large sums of money from “an unknown hand.” Of course they understand where it is coming from.

In the autumn of 1917, Justizrath Burghammer’s house is surrounded by a mob of hungry, tattered creatures suffering from the pains of war. A woman shrieks, “The accursed Jews feed while our children die of hunger!” He stands stern and upright at his window while stones crash into the glass panes above his head. The mounted police drive the mob away ruthlessly even as he receives the terribly polite telegram of his son’s martyrdom in the war. With a dry sob, he stretches out his arms, and cries words he had not heard in 50 years – “Shmah, Yisroell (Hear, O Israel)”.

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Jacob, Arthur and Reb Moshe

Jacob, the youngest child of Efraim, is the only blond sibling. He stays away from the ‘cheder’ and later, school, and follows musicians with a twig held trumpet-like to his lips. In his 18th year, he meets a poor, illiterate Lithuanian girl. They live for a month in “deep ardour” and “undisputed instincts” before “the crash”! Jacob goes home to find his frail father hemmed in by two brothers of the girl, demanding money from “the Jew.” They extort, threaten and leave, spitting on the floor and crossing themselves. Jacob experiences a cold disgust and “ages by years in those few minutes”. He resolves to leave for a free land – America – and indeed reaches there with $130 in his pocket in the year 1879.

How the Jewish community hangs together by supporting the early new immigrants is also illustrated by Jacob’s case. He is picked up by a kind old Jew named Friedenfeld, whose pleasure it is to gather such “greenees” from “decent families” or those who came from somewhere close to his home and who speak German and put them to work where they can learn English and make their way in life.

Jacob initially works as a day caretaker at Friedenfeld & Cohn’s department store catering to every domestic need of poor Irishmen and later, of even poorer Italians, particularly cheap furniture. In this way Jacob escapes from his history with relief and despite many half-hearted plans, he never returns to Prussia, writing to his family rarely. He learns English slowly, which he speaks with a heavy German accent till the end, and lives as a tenant with a German gentile widow on Friedenfeld’s recommendation. He embraces enthusiastically the American ideal, where, in a nation of migrants, he is treated as a German and not a Jew.

At the department store, Jacob meets another hardworking young Jew, Nathan Goldmann, and together, with some financial help from Friedenfeld, they set up their own furniture firm of more modern designs. In the first three years, were it not for support from Friedenfeld’s customers, Jacob’s landlady and Goldmann’s family, their firm would have collapsed half a dozen times. But they persevere and by 1889 have established a tiny factory and modern showroom by the secular name of “Phoenix Arts”.

Jews on selection ramp at Auschwitz, May 1944. Photo: Public domain

Both their marriages into Jewish families bring them substantial dowries and both the Goldmanns and the Levys prosper over time. Like his wife Gertrude, Jacob becomes an American citizen and so are his children. They have no overt Jewish observances, for to them the synagogue still smacks of their migration, oppression and the ghetto.

Jacob and Gertrude’s son Arthur, the main protagonist, appears in book three. Though Arthur and his sister Hazel always seemed to know they are Jewish, he often wonders how. For apart from a few remarks like “so-and-so cannot be trusted as he is ‘goyim’ (non-Jew)” or “so-and-so can be depended upon as he is ‘Yehudim’ (Jew)”, there are barely any overt signs of Jewishness in their household.

Yet when Arthur first enters school, he has a searing experience. A little classmate, George, makes a gargoyle-like face at him, puts out his tongue and calls him “Sheenie”. He is so hurt and rebellious against the hurt that he does not even inform his mother; rather, he invites the boy over. George, after sniffing the air suspiciously, relaxes and rampages boisterously with the toys, scaring the well-behaved Arthur and Hazel and finally, stuffing himself full of cake, says, kicking the table, “My dad says there’s lotsa nice Jews, he did so.” Though George forgets and becomes friendly, Arthur never forgets.

Arthur takes refuge in reading books that are very difficult for his age. He only fears a group of boys whom he usually passes on his way home from the library who shout, “Purge the Sheenie” and once trip him up. He is blinded with rage and hatred and being outnumbered and weak, seeks comfort in arrogance. “I will be a great learned man and these hoodlums will be sweepers of bars and diggers of mud.”

While excelling at studies, he has headaches and nightmares. George, who barely scrapes through his exams, is happy, carefree and active in sports. During gym, a group of boys tease Arthur about his circumcision and thereafter he adamantly refuses to participate in sports, getting a medical certificate from a Jewish doctor. He becomes “morbidly aware” of his name, his father’s accent. His father cannot fathom his irritation and reproaches him sadly. “Vell ve are Chews, my son.”

Arthur enters Columbia University in 1910. Initially he feels the dignity, freedom and smugness so healing that he hardly goes downtown, confining himself to his lodgings and the university. Though he makes good friends with several gentiles, he notices they don’t invite him to social events. It’s Tobias’s experience all over again. And when he criticises the Russian Alliance, he is told, “Now you are speaking as a Jew, not an American.”

German troops parade in Warsaw to celebrate the defeat of Poland, October 5, 1939. — US Holocaust Memorial Museum, courtesy of National Archives and Records Administration, College Park

Once America enters the war, the situation changes for Jacob. “Being suspected of German sympathies”, Jacob faces threatening slights and direct pressures from larger houses, political bosses and banks. He loses the pride he had in being “a self made American” as he is brutally informed of the number of war bonds he has to buy.

Arthur is lucky not to be conscripted, but is assigned as an assistant to a rather ignorant psychological expert. By this time, Arthur has already read Freud and is far advanced. With the help of Friedenfeld’s son Mortimer Freefield, who has now become a typically American lawyer, he is appointed as an intern at the women’s department of the Hospital for the Insane on Drew’s Point. He throws himself into the work with passion, but is extremely disturbed to find the low-paid and untrained Irish nurses, particularly one Donovan, physically abusing the patients. Only one other doctor, Dr Kirke, is interested, but he is too ambitious. He advises Arthur not to complain, as Donovan is a “sweetie” of the senior Dr Duval. But Arthur first resigns and then confronts Donovan. Later that night, Dr Duval comes in drunk and abuses him for his Jewishness outside his door.

Gertrude’s sister had married Adams, a Jew in the construction business. When Adams had constructed a block of flats, he had fondly reserved one as a clinic for one of his two sons, whom he had hoped would take up medicine. Since neither of them does, Arthur moves in and fulfills the old man’s dream.

Arthur falls in love with the feminist suffragette daughter of a Protestant minister, Elizabeth. They are great friends and support each other immensely. When she discovers she is pregnant, she fights against the idea of marrying him, but finally gives in to Arthur’s care. Arthur’s parents are worried: though they would like to accept Elizabeth as a daughter, they feel she would not be comfortable. And indeed, put off by the very first embrace of her mother-in-law, Elizabeth tends not to accompany him on his visits home.

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Gradually Arthur and Elizabeth grow apart. She seems to him not to care for the child, John, or “their family.” She takes up writing and is hectically busy socially, from which activities he feels alienated. A time comes when tensions become extreme. Arthur sends John on a holiday with his parents and lets Elizabeth go to her father. When she returns, she comments how alike her father and Arthur are – both patient and not judgemental. “But I am a rebel and a pagan,” she says. Arthur explains that even her rebellion is part of a legitimate stream, but if he rejects his Jewish roots, there is nothingness, a void. They are both deeply concerned about how John is to be brought up.

Arthur has meanwhile decided to give more of his time to a Jewish institution called the Beth Yehuda Hospital. He feels comfortable there – the patient, the doctors, the administration are all Jewish.  He does not have to pretend or be anxious before expressing an opinion. There he meets Reb Moshe.

Braine’s father, Reb Elizer Hacohen, had a younger brother, Reb Moshe Hacohen. This Reb Moshe is the latter’s grandson. Reb Elizer was an orthodox ‘Mithnaged’ but his brother was a ‘Chassid’, as is his grandson. Reb Moshe tells Arthur, “I believe that active love will gradually bring a better world, a world of brotherhood and peace. When that world is completed, the Messiah will be among us. The way is not communicated by any book but from soul to soul.” He describes to Arthur his journeys across the world to meet Jewish people, particularly in Rumania, where they are suffering from pogroms at that time.

A group of Jewish girls wearing the yellow star. —United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, courtesy of Oesterreichische Nationalbibliothek.

One day Elizabeth is shocked when Reb Moshe suddenly arrives at their home. She is frightened by his orthodox black dress and black hat, but he puts her somewhat at ease by telling her a parable about the attire. Reb Moshe tells Arthur that he has come to request him to join a commission to Rumania as a qualified psychiatrist to see people “who neither live nor die”. Elizabeth realises Arthur’s desire and need to go and leaves the house with John, writing him a straight-forward and principled letter. Even when they meet later, they understand and respect each other more than ever before, yet feel their ways are separate. This part of the book leaves us with the same poignant question they ask each other: “Does this mean mixed marriages don’t work?”

Before Arthur is to leave, Reb Moshe gives him a scroll of parchment. It is the English translation of a Hebrew document written by their common ancestor, Reb Efraim Hacohen. The document is the very one Braine’s father would read and weep. The text, laid out in book nine, is based, according to Lewisohn, on historical fact, and narrates what the Jews suffered in the 11th century as martyrs of the Christian crusades – a buried and unacknowledged history. Reading it, Arthur feels liberated, in touch with his people and history, as if he has suddenly understood himself. As he prepares to leave, Reb Moshe warns him: “Don’t be too enthusiastic.  Jews have always been a difficult people. While you avoid the ‘rich goyish man’s error’ of thinking all Jews are Christ killers and usurers, even while individuals are honourable and kind; beware too the “rich Yehudim error” of thinking that Jews are a Holy Nation, but individuals are thieves and rascals!”

Many other well-etched characters in the book

There are many other well-etched Jewish characters in the book. There is Nathan Goldmann’s son, Joe, who becomes a Marxist and believes that “though Jewishness is a curse, the way is not to run away from it, but destroy it through the proletarian revolution….”  There is his brother, Victor Goldmann, who has no gift for mimicry and is confused, angry and consumed by self-hate. Even though he becomes a successful architect, he commits suicide.

There is Hazel, Arthur’s sister, who is refused admission to a fashionable girls’ school because she is Jewish and who is separated from her gentile boyfriend by the family. Though she later marries a moderately successful young Jewish man, Eli, and keeps a model house, she, her husband and her daughter are unhappy. She doesn’t want to stay with her in-laws in the ghetto, for she feels too superior for it and hates the “uncouthness” of the ghetto. But where she and Eli live, they have no friends and are lonely.  In his unhappiness, Eli begins to stay out, drink and even see other women. Catching him out, she storms out of the house with her daughter and returns to her parents in a hysterical state. Only after Arthur’s mediation does the ice melt between Hazel and Eli. They realise they need to move to a Jewish neighbourhood to have more friends and a social life.

And there is Bertha, the independent-minded and balanced sister of Jacob and Tobias, who gets married late in life to a Talmudic scholar, Benjamin. He later becomes an assistant professor of Jewish Scripture in the university. She keeps a comfortable Jewish home and kitchen, where they engage with gentile friends on an equal footing. Bertha is a great support to her father, Efraim, in his old age, speaking to him in Yiddish and finally closing his eyes when he dies.

Thus Lewisohn paints a vivid mosaic of very different but believable characters.

Jewish prisoners are issued food on a building site at Salaspils concentration camp, Latvia, in 1941. Photo: Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

The tortured Jewish psyche, identity and nationalism

Lewisohn describes through vivid examples the effects of the Jewish feeling of inferiority and comments ironically on the fact that “the part played by such inferiority in psychical life was fittingly described by a Jewish physician (Freud) for though all men can be afflicted with this feeling (inferiority) in consequence of a specific cause, nearly every Jew is afflicted without specific and discoverable cause… where the cause is known, the mind consents, where it is not known, the soul rebels… There arise intricate maladies of the soul. Sudden suspiciousness, fear of fear, propitiation without belief, rage apparently at others pointed at oneself, arrogance, sensitivity in a thousand contorted and contradictory ways.”

Lewisohn traces this to a thousand years of intermittent persecutions and maybe even further back to “the Babylonian captivity that ended the Jewish people’s brief dream of equality”.  Even their last war-like heroes, Judah Makkabi and Bar Kochba, he says, are “heroes of defeat”. It is to this he attributes Jewish penitence, their sense of perpetual exile, their belief that “force is evil, war is sin and passive martyrdom is triumph.”

Lewisohn’s analysis goes to the extent of justifying the Pharisees who were, according to him, actually “a nation in bondage” to Rome.  Their aim was “to preserve the Jewish nationality, to substitute religious and cultural solidarity for political independence.” Hence, their objection to even the “first faint stirrings of what was to later become Christianity, with its universality, its anti-nationality.”  He claims that for the crucifixion, it was actually the empire of Pontius Pilate that was to blame. For after all, even Judas, after the betrayal, ultimately hangs himself. To appreciate how this “other view” has been suppressed by the Christian mainstream, one only needs to recall the debates around ‘Ravana’ or ‘Mahishasur’ that Dalit and tribal communities are raising today in our country.

The importance of an identity is also something Lewisohn repeatedly stresses upon. He elucidates how, “in an ambitious empire, throwing its millions into war, the absolute pacifist is the only friend of mankind”, but in an oppressed, decimated and tormented national minority, “there is something to be said for those who are anxious that no jot of their cultural or religious heritage, that makes them a people, is abandoned”.  For, as he rightly remarks, “Before there can be internations, there must be nations” and “we must not let the strong ones stamp out the weak before the days of the internation.”

The story itself illustrates Lewisohn’s contention that “Jews tried to forget themselves and their people in the Germanising time and the Americanising time… The nations said: Be like us and we shall be brothers and at peace!  Then began the Jewish practice of protective mimicry … to escape difference, conspicuousness and hence danger … But can it be done without inflicting an inner hurt, a wound to the moral fibre?” No, he concludes, indeed not.

A view shows a construction site in the West Bank Jewish settlement of Givat Zeev, near Jerusalem, December 19, 2011. Credit: Reuters

Unidimensional? Perhaps necessarily so

Lewisohn’s understanding is that mankind progresses in a “triangular formation”.  “At the apex are a handful of thinkers, at the base the thousand million who have hardly changed … At the apex race prejudice and sex slavery are forgotten. Peace, knowledge and compassion prevail. Just a few ranks below, the old savage diseases of the soul continue.” He describes Arthur’s predicament: “How should a young man then bear himself? As if there was progress, or as if there was none? At the apex there is no Jewish problem, but how can he guard against the cries of hate and pain that come to his ears from the base?”  It is these cries that Arthur finally responds to.

Interestingly, the author does not hesitate to depict the conflicts among different Jewish sects or the shortcomings of orthodoxy.  The arrogance of being the chosen people, the unquestioning atmosphere of the ‘cheders’, the refusal to accept scientific or secular knowledge. He speaks of the “reformed synagogues” too, which tried to mimic the Christians. And of course the generations long and deep debate between the Mithnageds and the Chassids is described pictorially in the distance between Braine and Reb Moshe.

While there are many penetrating insights in this work, Lewisohn’s entire understanding is only through the lens of “Jewishness.” In that sense, the book is certainly unidimensional; the aspects of class or gender, or the historical processes of capitalism and colonialism, while mentioned, do not form part of his analysis.

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Yet, just as it is important to see each colour of the rainbow in its own distinct individuality to understand ‘white light’, there is no doubt that The Defeated is an eye-opening work of literature on the Jewish question, that it is essential to understand how fraternity and solidarity are required to overcome majoritarianism and fascism in today’s world.

(The spellings of Yiddish and Hebrew words in this book review are taken directly from the book and may differ at times from the spellings commonly used today)

Sudha Bharadwaj is a human rights activist, trade unionist and lawyer.

Lakhan Singh, the Tenacious, Down-to-Earth Comrade

He was a quintessential liberal in temperament, striving to build bridges between leftists, farmers’ leaders, Ambedkerites, feminists, Adivasi leaders and radical theologists.

After the crippling blow of the arrest of Binayak Sen in 2007, it was the tenacious, large-hearted, down-to-earth and unassuming leadership of Lakhan Singh, who, as president for nearly a decade, revived and expanded the Chhattisgarh People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) and built it into an organisation capable of facing the challenges of today.

Even as a government employee, Lakhan Bhai never deigned to hide his opinions and was active with various progressive causes. As a consequence, he faced implications in several frivolous cases and was still fighting in courts until the end to obtain his final dues. But, regardless of that, after his retirement, he dedicated himself completely to PUCL.

He was a quintessential liberal in temperament striving to build bridges between leftists, farmers’ leaders, Ambedkerites, feminists, Adivasi leaders, radical theologist – between activists and intellectuals, the young and the old – and so broadening the scope and content of PUCL’s work.

Despite his seniority, he would never make it a barrier when it came to engaging with younger friends as equals. It was his idea of regular monthly meetings in different districts of Chhattisgarh that put the PUCL in contact with diverse issues of different communities and regions and drew members from them.

Though his health was fragile, he would be the first to volunteer for a solidarity visit to Jagatsinghpur or a fact-finding team to Dantewada or a National Council Meeting at Jaipur.

He forced the Chhattisgarh PUCL to shift from working in English to Hindi, vastly expanding the effectiveness of our reports, conventions and press releases, and attracting many non-English speaking members and activists.

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It was with his persistent prodding that the Chhattisgarh PUCL came out with its report on the situation of minorities in the state, made wide contacts with journalists who were facing repression and implication in false cases, and decided to honour brave journalists with a “Nirbhikta Puruskar”.

Though he had to give up his own dream of starting a newspaper, he proved to be an excellent documentarian. His painstaking work on a Chhattisgarh centred website gathering ground reports on civil liberties and democratic rights took the shape of CG Basket which became very popular.

It was with his confidence that a cash-strapped Chhattisgarh PUCL dared to take on the task of organising PUCL’s National Convention in Raipur in 2016, which was attended by 350 delegates from all over India who gained inspiration and energy.

I cannot forget that he took the trouble to wait the entire day outside Yerwada Jail to get a mulaqat (meeting) with me, on the court’s permission, despite being very unwell. It reminds me of my first meeting with him when I was standing with Dr. Sen in the Magistrate’s court at Bilaspur waiting for him to be taken to Raipur Jail. That’s the stuff comradeship is made of.

We will try to strengthen and deepen your work further Lakhan Bhai. That’s the only way I know that you will rest in peace.

Dr Lakhan Singh (August 9, 1952-September 8, 2019) was the president of the Chhattisgarh chapter of PUCL from 2010 to 2019. Sudha Bharadwaj, currently at Yerwada Jail in Pune, wrote this tribute to him in her letter to her daughter, Maaysha, dated September 15, 2019, and it is being published with her permission.

Sudha Bharadwaj is the general secretary of the Chhattisgarh PUCL and was one of the lawyers for the Sarkeguda case.