Isn’t the Government Also Responsible for Employment Generation?

The orientation of the government towards jobs is that employment generation is mainly the private sector’s problem.

The fall in the number of seats the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won in the recent elections has at least partly been attributed to the failure of its economic policy to respond to the challenge of unemployment. There was some expectation that the first budget of the new government would respond to this in some decisive manner. While there was a marked difference in the sense that the speech by the finance minister clearly posed unemployment as one of the biggest problems that the government was trying to address through the budget, the actual content does not show the kind of shift in priorities and policy outlook that the economy currently requires. The budget continues its emphasis on supply side measures with the hope that the private sector will respond with increased investment leading to greater employment opportunities.

A number of economists have been repeatedly pointing out that the problem facing the Indian economy is one of demand, particularly rural demand. Private consumption expenditure has not picked up sufficiently despite the ‘recovery’ post the pandemic, and even the pink papers have been raising this concern. It is not really puzzling that this is the case considering that real wages have been stagnant for most workers in the informal sector and even declining for some. The recent household consumption expenditure survey (HCES) as well the annual survey on unincorporated sector enterprises (ASUSE) also show low levels of consumption and earnings amongst the bottom deciles of the population. Obviously, poor consumption demand is a constraint to investment and growth.

The measures required to address this situation are in complete contrast to what the emphasis of Budget 2024 is. Reviving demand would require increasing the purchasing power of the majority of the population who have a high propensity to spend – these are largely people belonging to the working classes who earn their livelihoods through wage employment. A large proportion are also in self-employment, but these are more akin to wage work rather than entrepreneurship.

One way to achieve this could be to spend more on programmes such as the MG-NREGS which would create wage employment and also contribute to revival of rural demand. Increasing the wages given under the MG-NREGS to at least minimum wages levels (which are usually above the average market wages) could also contribute indirectly by putting upward pressure on market wages. Even filling up vacancies in government jobs and expanding government employment by hiring more teachers, nurses, anganwadi workers, ASHAs and so on would also help. Tax benefits targeted at those at the lower end of the tax-paying classes and also shifting the balance away from indirect taxes on mass consumption goods to direct taxes on the super-rich and big corporates would also be a measure in a similar direction.

Also read: The Deep Crisis in the Informal Sector Is Still Keeping the Lid on Real Wages

However, the current budget does the exact opposite. Spending on most social sector schemes that directly benefit the poor such as MGNREGS, the national social assistance programme (pensions for aged, single women and disabled) and so on are stagnant in nominal terms and reduced in real terms. As a percent of GDP and total expenditure of government, they have been constantly falling over the last ten years.

On the other hand, acknowledging the (political) need to respond to unemployment, a Prime Minister’s Package for Employment and Skilling has been announced which basically includes three employment-linked incentives (ELIs) schemes which are linked to EPFO enrolments and especially hiring of first-time employees with the government contributing to both employers and employees. The total central outlay for these three schemes over the next six years is projected to be ₹1,08,000 crores and from the budget speech it can be inferred that 2.9 crore people will benefit. In effect, the outlay per person per year is less than ₹8,000. It remains to be seen if that is an incentive enough for businesses to employ more workers in larger numbers than they normally would have. Probably, all this will do is increase the EPFO enrolments without actually increasing the number of jobs in the economy.

In terms of skilling, the main initiatives are upgradation of 1,000 ITIs and an internship scheme in the top 500 companies, with the government contributing to a stipend of ₹5,000 per month. The companies will be allowed to use their CSR funds towards supporting these interns. It is not clear what the obsession with the top 500 companies is or why they are indirectly being subsidised through this scheme. If the understanding is that a one-year internship in the top 500 companies guarantees a person a regular job, it is not clear what the basis is. On the other end, the MSMEs which are known to be more labour-intensive continue to get only some credit-incentives which are continuation of the policies over the last few years (covid relief and MUDRA) that have not delivered.

On the whole, the orientation of the government towards jobs is that employment generation is mainly the private sector’s problem. While it is indeed true that most jobs will have to be created in the private sector and that the government cannot absorb all or even the majority of those unemployed, it does not follow that there is no need for a government policy on employment. Rather than thinking about how it can intervene in the growth process to make it more employment intensive, this government only continues to support big corporates in the name of job creation. What we have as a result is a situation where the contribution of the corporate sector to direct tax revenue is now less than direct income tax, and the effective tax rate facing a company with profit of more than Rs 500 crore (~20%) is less than a company with profit in the range of Rs 1-5 crore (~25%). Although unequal growth is one of the main reasons for unemployment, government policy is perpetuating inequality rather than addressing it.

Dipa Sinha is a development economist.

Contempt Proceedings Against IAS Officer: Matter Reaches J&K High Court

According to court documents, Singh, the accused officer, had “illegally” initiated proceedings to demarcate a Judge’s land after the latter had ordered his salary to be stopped due to alleged non-compliance with a court order issued nearly 18 months ago. 

Srinagar: The issue of criminal contempt proceedings against an Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer posted in Jammu and Kashmir has reached before the J&K High Court after the officer failed to respond to a show cause notice issued to him by a lower court.

In an order on Thursday, August 1, a court in central Kashmir’s Ganderbal district observed that it had given “sufficient opportunities” to Shyambir Singh, a 2018-batch IAS officer from Madhya Pradesh, to respond to the notice which was issued to him last month in a suo motu contempt petition.

The court of sub-judge Fayaz Ahmad Qureshi ruled that Singh, who is posted as deputy commissioner of Ganderbal district, “neither bothered to appear before the court nor he has furnished his reply.”

”Accordingly, this court deems it appropriate to proceed in accordance with The Contempt of Courts Act, 1971 r/w rules framed by Hon’ble High Court of J&K for regulating the procedure of contempt of itself and of the subordinate courts dated 23rd October 2023,” the court ruled, adding that it was referring the matter to the high court for initiating criminal contempt proceedings against Singh.

As per clause 2 of section 15 of the Contempt of Courts Act, 1971, the high courts are empowered to take action on a reference made to it on any criminal contempt of the subordinate court.

“Normal disobedience by public servants can be dealt with under different laws. But this is a grave contempt and punishment could disqualify them from holding public office,” a former law officer of J&K who didn’t want to be named, said.

The court in Ganderbal said that the contempt proceedings were briefly halted after the state counsel on July 29 pleaded for more time for filing reply to the show-cause notice, while observing that “as per mandate of law in contempt proceedings”, a counsel “cannot appear on behalf of” the accused officer.

According to court documents, Singh, the accused officer, had “illegally” initiated proceedings to demarcate Judge Qureshi’s land after the latter had ordered his salary to be stopped due to alleged non-compliance with a court order issued nearly 18 months ago.

Singh had allegedly passed directions for setting up a committee headed by assistant commissioner revenue (Ganderbal), M Altaf Bhat, a Kashmir Administrative Service (KAS) officer, which was tasked to demarcate the land owned by the latter.

In an order on July 23, the court had directed Bhat to submit record of the file. “That file has probably valuable evidence,” said sources.

When the matter was heard on July 29, the state counsel sought time to file its reply. However, when the issue came up for hearing on Thursday, the state told the court that Bhat could not submit the record because he has been sent on a government training program in the capital Srinagar from July 29 to August 2 and his charge has not been given to any officer.

However, in a strong observation, the court observed that it was “not possible to keep any office, particularly office of the assistant commissioner revenue, vacant without giving routine charge to any officer, “This excuse is suggestive of the fact that either the record is being manufactured or fabricated and that is why the assistant commissioner revenue has avoided to submit the scanned copy of the record before this court, under the instructions of deputy commissioner.”

The court said that “sufficient opportunities” were given to the deputy commissioner “who, despite seriousness of the matter, preferred not to appear before the court”, “This gives sufficient reason to this court to draw an inference that the contents of the show-cause notice are accepted and the contemnor (DC) has forfeited his right to file any reply.

“On the last date, on July 29, this court also extended the time for additional delivery of the copy of the show cause notice on the Deputy Commissioner but despite that he has neither bothered to appear before the court nor he has furnished his reply,” the court said in its order on Thursday (August 1) while referring the matter to the high court.

On July 23, the court in Kashmir had recommended criminal contempt proceedings and the transfer of Singh, accusing him of abusing his official position to intimidate and harass the judge.

The court had also recommended that the chief secretary of Jammu and Kashmir take administrative action under the Government Conduct Rules, 1971, against the DC, describing him as a “constant potential threat” to the judiciary.

‘Didn’t Like My Chakravyuh Speech, ED Raid Being Planned’: Rahul Gandhi Posts on X

The Congress leader wrote at 1.52 am that he was ‘waiting with open arms’ and that ‘chai and biscuits’ were on him.

New Delhi: Congress leader Rahul Gandhi posted on X early on August 2 (today) saying that he had been told that the Enforcement Directorate was planning a raid on him and noting that he was ready for any action.

“Apparently, 2 in 1 didn’t like my Chakravyuh speech. ED ‘insiders’ tell me a raid is being planned. Waiting with open arms @dir_ed…..Chai and biscuits on me,” the leader of opposition in the Lok Sabha wrote at 1.52 am.

By “2 in 1” Gandhi could possibly have meant Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah.

In his Lok Sabha speech on July 29, Gandhi had used the ‘chakravyuh’ metaphor from the Mahabharat to say that just as Arjun’s son Abhimanyu had been trapped by a battle formation that surrounds a warrior, the country too had been trapped under the rule of Narendra Modi, his faithful, and an atmosphere of fear.

Gandhi had said that the chakravyuh was also known as the padma or kamal (lotus) vyuh – drawing a parallel with the BJP’s symbol. This symbol, Gandhi had said, was one that Modi proudly wore during campaigns for the Lok Sabha election.

Like the chakravyuh of the epic, Gandhi said this new chakravyuh was of six people: PM Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat, National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and the businessmen Gautam Adani and Mukesh Ambani.

Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla expunged the last four names.

The chakravyuh controlling India has three controlling powers, Gandhi had also said. “They are the idea of monopoly capital, the political monopoly, and you may say, Deep State, the agencies – CBI and ED,” he had said.

The Enforcement Directorate is among the three central agencies that have repeatedly been accused of executing the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s political agenda by moving to arrest, question or detain key opposition party leaders ahead of elections. This year, the ED arrested two sitting chief ministers of Indian states – Delhi’s Arvind Kejriwal, who is still in jail, and Jharkhand’s Hemant Soren, who quit just as he was being arrested but has returned to the position after getting bail.

The Sarasvati River and Why the Vedas Can’t Be a Lesson in Geography

That river does not flow today, and the bed that provided a channel for its sacred waters cannot be located.

The following is an excerpt from Alan Machado’s book Discovering India Anew: Out of Africa to Its Early History.

Nature abhors a vacuum; vacuums are soon filled by surrounding air and whatever it carries. So too history; myth, hypotheses and narratives, some compiled through ignorance, others through motivated agendas, fill blank spaces.

Ancient texts refer to a sacred and mighty river whose life-giving waters were also the waters of wisdom. Its name was associated with a goddess. Sacred texts said to have been composed on its banks have inspired generations and have been woven into the early history of an ‘Aryan’ South Asia.

‘Discovering India Anew: Out of Africa to Its Early History’, Alan Machado (Prabhu), Orient BlackSwan, 2024.

That river does not flow today, and the bed that provided a channel for its sacred waters cannot be located. Most of the other rivers referred to by these earliest texts have been identified…Strangely, it is the river most praised and cited, the Sarasvati, that does not correspond to any current watercourse. 

The stimulus for these settlements along the Ghaggar-Hakra came from a long-term declining trend in the summer monsoon which reduced water flows, flooding and course changes. It created a stable environment for settlement. Ironically, ‘it was the departure of the river, rather than its arrival, that triggered the growth of Indus urban settlements here … a stable abandoned valley, still able to serve as a water source but without the risk of devastating floods …’ (Singh 2017).

The Ghaggar-Hakra palaeochannel lies between the Sutlej and Yamuna. Its floodplain is too small to explain large discharges in the past or present.

Further, this width has been enhanced by the channel’s shallow bed. Still further, OSL2 dating reveals this width has been restricted by sand dunes that formed on either side from c10–15 ka. Harappan sites located on these dunes and on the bed and floodplain confirm that the region never suffered from devastating floods during their settlement.

The Ghaggar bed is dry for much of the year and, in the rainy season, flows for a distance of about 465 kms from its source.

The special interest in the Ghaggar-Hakra-Nara palaeochannel arises from the belief that the dry bed may be that of the Sarasvati mentioned in Vedic texts. One of the earliest published references to the ‘Lost River’ comes from an article in The Calcutta Review of 1874 . It cites local traditions attributing the desolation of a once flourishing country to the drying of a large river close to 1000 kms in length. The channel was known by different names along its course, the main sections being the Ghaggar, Hakra and Nara. The course of this lost river was marked by scattered mounds, great and small, that were once cities and towns, many of considerable importance. These ruins contained huge quantities of bricks of a type that had not been manufactured for centuries, and the old river bed was littered with fresh-water shells similar to those found in the Sutlej and Indus. The small number of people who lived in this inhospitable region knew little of its past; not much more than a few legends remained.

Recent Scientific Investigations

In recent years, scientific investigations have used a number of different technologies to study the Ghaggar-Hakra and its history. Remote sensing satellite imagery has uncovered an 8,000 kms network of palaeochannels in the Sutlej-Yamuna interfluve (Punjab, Haryana, north Rajasthan) of which the Ghaggar-Hakra network comprises about 2,200 kms .

A high-resolution map of the western region of the Indo-Gangetic Plain using the SRTM3 database shows wide, shallowly incised valleys separated by interfluves in the Indus basin, but none in the Ghaggar-Hakra interfluve. This means similarly large glacier-fed rivers did not flow there in the past.

Also read: With New Class 6 Textbook, NCERT Legitimises Hindu Right’s ‘Sarasvati’ Claim

OSL dating of a section of the Ghaggar-Hakra reveals a flowing water channel with several lakes and ponds in the surrounding areas c4000–2000 BCE . Electrical resistivity soundings beneath the surface of the Ghaggar-Hakra palaeochannel also confirm a once flowing river but not its size or age (Sinha 2012). Reduced discharge led to its degeneration between 2000–1400 bce. It has been dry since then. Geochemical analysis of bed sediments has revealed two distinct origins: older grey micaceous sand (c70–4.3 ka) from melting Himalayan glaciers and younger yellowish-brown sand and brown silty clay (c16–0 ka) from the Siwaliks. There was a gradual disappearance of the river’s perennial water sources and increasing dependence on monsoon rainfall. Pottery samples from the Mature Harappan period (2600–1900 bce) at Kalibangan contain only the newer sediments confirming the Ghaggar had transitioned from being a glacier-fed to a rain-fed river by then.

Strontium and neodymium isotope sediments in the Ghaggar-Hakra palaeaochannel confirm a sub-Himalayan catchment area (Tripathi 2004). From c3500 bce, a progressively weakening monsoon reduced its flows and the river gradually shrank northwards. Scientists now believe that a weakening monsoon created a more stable environment in the northwest and the stimulus for intensive agriculture and resultant urbanisation in the Harappan region.

U-Pb dating of zircon sand grains of the Ghaggar-Hakra bed in the Cholistan section contains at least two groups of sediments with similarities to the Beas, Sutlej and Yamuna Rivers confirming it once received water from these rivers.

The Ghaggar-Hakra ceased to be an active Himalayan glacier-fed river well before Harappan times. As one investigator states:

…contrary to earlier assumptions that a large glacier-fed Himalayan river, identified by some with the mythical Sarasvati, watered the Harappan heartland on the interfluve between the Indus and Ganges basins…only monsoonal-fed rivers were active there during the Holocene.

As the monsoon weakened, monsoonal rivers gradually dried or became seasonal, affecting habitability along their courses. Hydroclimatic stress increased the vulnerability of agricultural production supporting Harappan urbanism, leading to settlement downsizing, diversification of crops, and a drastic increase in settlements in the moister monsoon regions of the upper Punjab, Haryana, and Uttar Pradesh.

The Harappan region passed through alternating wet and dry phases spreading over centuries. The last, beginning with the 4.2 ka global megadrought, resulted in a drastic reduction in the Indian summer monsoon rainfall for two centuries.

By c1900 BCE, river beds had gone dry. Rain-based farming and urbanism declined especially along the Ghaggar-Hakra palaeochannel with a downsizing in settlements until the region became depopulated. People moved to the dense stream network on the upper channel in Punjab and Haryana where the monsoon was more consistent. In lower Punjab and Sindh, the number of sites decreased over the same interval as populations moved to Kutch and the Deccan. The abandoned Cholistan section of the Ghaggar-Hakra turned to desert. It is this seasonally active monsoon-fed river that is believed to be the Rgvedic Sarasvati.

Also read: Saraswati: The River That Never Was, Flowing Always in the People’s Hearts

The Rgvedic Sarasvati

The Rgveda knows Sarasvati both as a river and a goddess, a mother, sister, wife, daughter and friend. One of her foremost functions as a goddess is the bestowing of wealth, pleasure and, as the presiding deity of fertility and growth, progeny. In RV 2.41.16, she is called upon after the gods Vayu, Indra-Vayu, Mithra-Varuna, Asvins, Indra and the All Gods to attend the morning soma pressing and grant favours: ‘ambitame, naditame, devitame, Sarasvati (o best mother, best river, best goddess, Sarasvati)…make a laud for us, mother…Allot offspring to us, goddess’. 

The Rgveda glorifies the northern rivers, especially the Sindhu. RV 6.61, exclusively devoted to the Sarasvati, glorifies it as the best of seven sisters and ends with a plea that she does not abandon her worshippers.

Later Vedic texts speak of the disappearance of the river in desert sands at a place, near Patiala, known as Vinasana (disappearance).

The Mahabharata explains why this happened:

Here is the beautiful and sacred river, Saraswati, full of water: and here … is the spot known as Vinasana, or the place where the Saraswati disappeared. Here is the gate of the kingdom of the Nishadas and it is from hatred for them that the Saraswati entered into the earth in order that the Nishadas might not see her …” (Mahabharata, Book 3: Vana Parva, Section CXXX).

The Sarasvati, still the guardian of the waters and wisdom, flowed only for the benefit of the select few.

There are remarkable parallels between the geography and mythology of the Sarasvati, and the Haraxvaiti/Haetumant River, which flows through Iran and Afghanistan. Both names came to be applied to life-giving rivers, flowing down from the mountains and feeding all other rivers.

In the Avesta, Aradvi Sura Anahita is venerated as the female guardian of waters (Aban), associated with fertility, healing and wisdom. The Haraxvaiti/Haetumant River was particularly associated with the goddess Aradvi Sura Anahita.

In Indo-Iranian times, the goddess was more properly known as Sarasvati (she who possesses waters).

 The ‘Aban Yasht’ (Hymn to the Waters), one of the longest and best-preserved Avestan hymns, celebrates the Haraxvati as the personification of a great mythical river which plunges down from Mt Hara into the Vourukasa Sea. It is the source of all the waters of the world. The river-goddess is a powerful deity.

Like Aradvi Sura Anahita, Sarasvati is the guardian of the waters and wisdom; she protects the study of the Vedas.

Sarasvati literally means ‘abounding in pools’, a name that could be applied to many other rivers of the Indus system where continuous sedimentation, especially during the monsoon, creates many ponds. The same can be said of the Haraxvaiti region.

There are similarities between the Haraxvaiti/Haetumant region and the Hapta Hindu: the snow-fed rivers arising in the mountains to the north; the spring floods; the Sistan and Derawar inland lake deltas.

So too, there are similarities between the attributes assigned to the goddesses Aradvi Sura Anahita and Sarasvati. 

Sarasvati performs the same functions attributed to Aradvi Sura Anahita. She is ambitame, the best of mothers, the purifier of the male seed and female womb, who raises her son with abundant and nutritious food in a land devastated by drought and famine. She is naditame, the best of rivers, whose waters continue to flow and is full of fish when drought has dried the others. She is devitame, the best of goddesses, who preserves sacred knowledge and wisdom. Her waters are holy and bless those who seek it. But where does one seek it?

RV 10.75 places the Sarasvati between the Yamuna and Sutlej. There is, however, no opening in the Himalayan foothills between the Yamuna and Sutlej through which a large river can enter the plains (Oldham 1874: 7). Of the rivulets that have their source there, the Sarsuti, a corruption of Sarasvati, is one. In no way does it do justice to the majestic description, of river and goddess, given in RV 6.61.

So why does the Sarsuti-Ghaggar-Hakra channel, drying and diminishing even in Rgvedic times, get praised and glorified so much more than the bigger rivers flowing to its west and east?

The earlier non-Indo-Aryan local name for the Sarasvati has been tentatively reconstructed as visambal/pal (Vaisambhalya/phalya). It was the river that flowed through Kurukshetra, the heartland of Rgvedic and post-Rgvedic culture, its mythical, religious and political centre. This was a region of several lakes and ponds, a possible inspiration for the Sankritised renaming of the river to saras-vati, or equally for the Haraxvaiti.

To the Harappans, it was the size not the location of the river that mattered. 

To the Rgvedic people, it was the location not the size of the river that was of prime concern. The Sarasvati flowed through Kurukshetra.

The Rgveda was never intended to be a lesson in geography. It can, at best, give limited information on that subject, information that needs to be reconciled with the increasing scientific field and laboratory research that is today unravelling the secrets of the lost river of the desert, a relatively small river that gained a far bigger reputation than all the others put together.

History, like nature, abhors a vacuum.

Alan Machado (Prabhu) graduated from the Indian Institute of Science, Bengaluru and worked in the engineering industry in various capacities and countries, including Australia and Europe. His previously published books include Sarasvati’s Children (1999), Shades within Shadows (2012), Slaves of Sultans (2015) and Goa’s Inquisition (2022).

India and Vietnam PMs Reaffirm Defence Ties, Call for Peaceful Resolution to Disputes

PM Modi stated that the two sides supported ‘developmentalism’ rather than ‘expansionism’.

New Delhi: India and Vietnam on Thursday, July 31, reaffirmed their commitment to strengthening defence ties and continued cooperation in the oil and gas sector on Vietnam’s South China Sea continental shelf, while advocating for a peaceful resolution of disputes.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and visiting Vietnamese Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh engaged in extensive discussions, with the South China Sea situation and the Indo-Pacific region key topics on their agenda.

“In our Act East policy and our Indo-Pacific vision, Vietnam is an important partner. We share unison in our views regarding the Indo-Pacific region,” Modi said in his press statement following the formal delegation-level talks.

Vietnam occupies a strategic position in the South China Sea as one of the littoral countries involved in a maritime dispute with China over claims in the region.

In his remarks delivered in Hindi, Modi stated that the two sides supported “vikaasvaad (developmentalism)”, rather than “vistaarvaad (expansionism)”. “We will continue our cooperation for a free, open, rules-based and prosperous Indo-Pacific,” he added.

Prime Minister Pham acknowledged that the “Asia-Indo-Pacific” region is a driving force for global growth but also noted that it is increasingly becoming a hotspot for “major power politics,” which are growing “fiercer.”

He emphasised that both leaders underscored the importance of “peace, stability, security, and freedom of navigation and overflight in the South China Sea,” advocating for the peaceful resolution of disputes in accordance with international law, particularly the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.

The joint statement issued after the discussions noted that the two leaders “reiterated their mutually beneficial cooperation in the oil and gas sector, including exploration and production on Vietnam’s continental shelf.”

Speaking to reporters, MEA Secretary (East) Jaideep Sarkar highlighted that India’s state-run ONGC Videsh has been operating a block with Vietnam and Russian oil majors for 35 years. “The oil wells there have been productive for a long time. We also extended the concession last year and look forward to new exploration in that region,” he said.

This is significant because China’s claims through the nine-dash line overlap with some of the oil blocks allotted by Vietnam in the South China Sea.

One of the main outcomes of the visit was the signing of agreements between India’s EXIM bank and Vietnam finance ministry to utilise $300 million line of credit that was announced during the visit of the Indian PM to Hanoi in 2016.

“This was part of the package that the Prime Minister, during his visit to Vietnam, had announced some time ago, and the actual identification of the projects that these two lines of credit will be used for has now been completed. One of them is for Coast Guard ships and the other is for fast border patrol boats,” said Sarkar.

The two countries also decided to operationalise the Implementing Arrangement on Hydrography and establish a Joint Committee.

Besides, India and Vietnam also agreed on a Plan of Action for the implementation of the “Comprehensive Strategic Partnership” for the next four years.

Although Vietnam has a dispute with China over the South China Sea, it has not affected its relationship with the country, its largest trading partner. In fact, Chinese President Xi Jinping visited the Vietnamese embassy in Beijing last month to sign the condolence book for the passing of General Nguyen Phu Trong, leader of the Communist Party of Vietnam.

Currently, despite grappling with domestic turmoil from an anti-corruption campaign, Vietnam finds itself in a diplomatic sweet spot. Over the past eight months, it has welcomed Chinese President Xi Jinping, US President Joe Biden, and Russian President Vladimir Putin. Moreover, it has emerged as a prime destination for international companies seeking to shift their supply chains away from China.

As West Asia Braces, India Maintains Silence on the Israeli Attacks

Any escalation of the Israel-Hamas conflict into regional violence in West Asia has immediate consequences for India. With a nine million-strong diaspora in the Gulf that would be directly impacted, the stakes are high.

New Delhi: On Tuesday night, Indian roadways minister Nitin Gadkari was awaiting a slot to meet with the new President, Masoud Pezeshkian, but there was no confirmation from the Iranian side.

With over 80 foreign delegations waiting to formally call on the new president, the Iranians were apparently finding it difficult to provide a confirmation. Since it was deemed excessive to keep the minister idling in Tehran until Wednesday afternoon, his ticket was booked for a flight via Dubai the next morning.

While India’s request for a meeting was formally withdrawn, it was considered that another call would be taken on Wednesday morning. However, early Wednesday morning, Tehran woke up to the news of the assassination of the political head of the Palestinian militant group Hamas, Ismail Haniyeh, as reported by Iranian state media. Gadkari had shared the stage set for the photo op at the Iranian parliament – the Indian minister in the last row, while Haniyeh was in the front row.

Ismail Haniyeh.

While the details of the killing were sparse, there was no longer any question among Indian officials that the prebooked ticket, which took him through Dubai, would be utilised.

During previous presidential inaugurations in Iran, Indian ministers – whether it was External Affairs Minister Jaishankar or Gadkari himself – had separate meetings with the new president and even the Supreme Leader.

This time, besides a few informal exchanges during the ceremony at the Iranian parliament, the roadway minister was on the plane without any formal call on the Iranian leadership.

Nearly forty-eight hours later, there has been no official statement from the Indian government, illustrating New Delhi’s dilemma in West Asia.

This is not surprising. From the beginning, India has consistently termed the October 7 attack by Hamas as a terror incident. Indian ministers’ statements on Gaza have consistently asserted that terrorism should be punished.

However, just as feedback from the region led India to reiterate its support for a two-nation state solution, India also needs to maintain some distance from Israel for its own public interests. Israel had earlier demanded that India declare Hamas a terrorist organisation, but India has not yet taken that step.

India’s decision to send a senior minister to the swearing-in ceremony was part of New Delhi’s efforts to maintain good relations with Iran over the years. However, these ties have seen dips due to pressures from the United States, such as when India voted against Iran at the IAEA while negotiating the 123 nuclear agreement, or when India withdrew from purchasing sanctioned Iranian crude.

Any escalation of the Israel-Hamas conflict into regional violence in West Asia has immediate consequences for India. With a nine million-strong diaspora in the Gulf that would be directly impacted, the stakes are high. While India is not as dependent on the Gulf for its energy security, with Russia now its primary supplier, any disruption in the region would still lead to an increase in international oil prices.

The tension in the West Asian region is back to being taut as a piano wire, as the region once again braces for Iran to strike at Israel.

Iran had already launched drone and missile strikes against Israel on the night of April 13, in retaliation for the bombing of its consulate in Syria that killed seven officers of the

Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). Six days later, Israel countered with airstrikes which targeted strategic facilities near Iran’s city of Isfahan.

The calibrated steps taken by the two sides in April had seemed to have ensured deterrence. That is obviously gone now.

The killing of Haniyeh came just twelve hours after a Hezbollah commander, whom Israel claimed was responsible for a missile strike in the Golan Heights, was killed in a drone strike in a Beirut suburb.

While Israel took responsibility for the Beirut killing, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu remained silent on the death of the Hamas leader in Tehran. Israel had also not taken responsibility for the Damascus bombing in April.

For Netanyahu, the timing of these two attacks serves to prolong the Gaza war by shutting down the possibility of a ceasefire, which might have coincided with the release of hostages. Netanyahu has been under immense domestic political pressure from far-right alliance partners over the investigation of charges against Israeli soldiers for sexually abusing Palestinian prisoners.

In Tehran, Pezeshkian has been boxed into a single path on his first day in office.

Following the assassination of the Hamas leader, Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei declared on Wednesday that it was “our duty to take revenge.” With the Supreme Leader holding the final authority in the Iranian system, it is clear that Pezeshkian has little choice.

The consensus was that Iran would certainly retaliate like Israel. The only uncertainty was whether it would act through its so-called ‘axis of resistance’ proxy groups, on its own, or both.

While the details of the attack have not been made public, most sources indicate it was not a missile attack, but rather a drone strike. This theory seemed credible, as during an Israeli retaliation in April, there were reports that the drones originated from within Iranian territory, suggesting Israeli penetration of Iran’s security umbrella.

The New York Times reported that Haniyeh was killed by a bomb likely smuggled into the guest house two months ago and then remotely activated. This was quickly confirmed by The Jerusalem Post and Axios.

However, Mohammad Ali Shabani, editor of Amwaj.media, a news website covering Iran and Arabian peninsula, claimed that this theory was probably disinformation originating from Israel, aiming to assert that Iran has no grounds for launching missiles or drones in retaliation.

He argued that this missed the point that Haniyeh had been a guest under Iranian protection on Iranian soil when there were other foreign delegations still in Tehran.

The head of Iran-backed Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah also underlined that Iran would retaliate as “it was an attack on Iranian honour”.

Similarly, an Israeli researcher, Danny Citrinowicz said that Iran saw this as “a personal blow to the leader of Iran himself, since Haniyeh was his guest at the inauguration ceremony of the new president, Masoud Pezeshkian”.

He analysed that while Iran was preparing for “another round of violence” against Israel, it was “still doubtful if Iran will expand the campaign against Israel and get caught up in a regional war”.

Citrinowicz noted that in contrast to the April attacks, Hezbollah and other Iranian proxy groups would also intend to severely attack Israel this time, in combination with Iran.

“However, it’s clear that another round – and certainly if Iran seeks to expand the arsenal of targets in Israel – significantly increases the chance of a direct conflict between Israel and Iran, especially when there is no “closure mechanism” that can force a calm between the two countries,” he wrote.

The assassination of Haniyeh effectively closes any outreach that the moderate Pezeshkian might have planned toward the West in the early part of his term, as he had indicated during his campaign.

An Israeli observer of Iran noted last month that for Israel, hardline Iranian Presidents like Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Ebrahim Raisi “were assets.” “In contrast, more pragmatic presidents were viewed as a burden and a challenge that could make it more difficult to persuade the rest of the world to join the campaign against Iran and to avoid pursuing diplomacy with Tehran,” he wrote.

Rail Accidents: Under Fire, Ashwini Vaishnaw Blames Opposition for ‘Amplifying Smallest Incidents’

In the Lok Sabha, Vaishnaw said that Congress’ ‘well thought out politics with the help of its troll army started raising the smallest things on social media’ that could instill fear in the hearts of 2 crore people who travel by railways everyday and that its ‘jhoot ki dukaan’ will not run anymore.

New Delhi: Under fire for a series of railway accidents, Union minister for railways Ashwini Vaishnaw lost his temper and lashed out at the opposition in the Lok Sabha on Thursday (August 1) and blamed the Congress for spreading false information and lies by amplifying the “smallest” incident on social media through its troll army to instil fear in the hearts of railway passengers.

In his reply to the debate on the Demand for Grants of Railways, Vaishnaw said that while even a single rail accident is bad, he then proceeded to compare the Modi years with the UPA years and said that rail accidents had reduced by 68%.

“Even a single accident is bad. No one is happy to see such circumstances. But because opposition members are asking for a number that is why I am placing the number here. During the UPA years about 171 railway accidents would take place on average in a year. That has reduced by 68%. Even now we are not satisfied and should not be, whether government or opposition. We need to work together on safety and we are ready to do so in every way. There is no doubt about that,” he said.

On July 30, two persons were killed and 20 others injured after 18 coaches of the Howrah-Mumbai Mail derailed. Earlier in July, the Hazarduari Express collided with two cars at Khardah Railway Station. Between July 20 and July 21, three goods trains derailed across three states – Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and West Bengal. In June, the Kanchanjunga Express was hit by a goods train in Bengal’s Darjeeling district, killing 10 and injuring 40. In June 2023, the Shalimar-Chennai Central Coromandel Express, Bengaluru-Howrah Superfast Express and a goods train were involved in a fatal pile-up at Balasore in Odisha, killing 293 people.

As opposition benches erupted in protest, Vaishnaw lost his temper and blamed the opposition for raising questions.

“Those who are shouting here must be asked in their 58 years of being in power why were they not able to install Automatic Train Protection (ATP), even 1 km. Today, they are daring to raise questions. They should look within. In this house when Mamata Banerjee was the railway minister, she used to give the accident numbers that decreased from 0.24 to 0.19 these people used to clap in the House and today when it has decreased on the index from 0.19 to 0.03, they are placing such allegations. Will the country run in this way? In order to run the country and to improve the railways everyone has to work together. This cannot go on,” he said.

Vaishnaw then proceeded to blame the Congress and the Samajwadi Party’s social media teams for amplifying even the smallest things, spreading lies, in a bid to instill fear in the hearts of 2 crore passengers who use the railways every day.

“Since they are talking so much I want to add that the opposition Congress as a part of well thought out politics with the help of its troll army started raising the smallest things on social media in such a manner. At the old railway station in Ayodhya when an old wall was damaged then Congress and Samajwadi Party handles picked it up immediately. How will the country run on such lies? Two crore people travel daily, are they trying to put fear in their hearts? I want to request everyone to clap for the 12 lakh railway employees to encourage them who work day and night,” he said and proceeded to clap on his table.

The other members of the treasury benches followed suit amid loud slogans from the opposition members.

Congress jhoot ki dukan chala rahi hai aur ye jhoot ki dukaan nahi chalegi (Congress is running a shop of lies and this shop will not work). Sometimes they humiliate the armed forces and other times the railways. This politics will not work,” he said.

As he continued with his speech amid loud protests from opposition members, who rose from their seats, and some even made their way to the well, Vaishnaw lost his cool again and said that the government does not make “reels” but runs on work.

Hum reel bananewali nahi, kaam karne wale hai (We are not like you who only make reels, we are those who work) Sit down. Speaker sir, bring the house to order. They are saying anything,” he said to Lok Sabha speaker Om Birla.

As opposition members chanted “tanashahi nahi chalegi” and “rail mantri haye haye”, Birla in a rare move asked the minister not to respond to anyone while speaking.

“Don’t respond to any member,” said Birla.

Later as the demand for grants was put to vote, the opposition staged a walkout

Birla then once again requested the minister to not respond to any statement from the opposition side while speaking, and also urged the Treasury benches to not do the same when an opposition leader is speaking.

“It would have been nice if the opposition members listened to the minister and if they had to raise a point I would have given them time later. But the procedure is that no member can interrupt while the minister is speaking. I listened to all members till late night. But this is not a good procedure. I urge the minister also to never respond to anything that anyone is saying,” he said.

“And I will say so for the opposition too that when they are speaking they should not be interrupted. The procedure is the same for everyone in the House.”

Karnataka’s 14-Hour Workday Proposal: The Burden on Women and Impact on Domestic Chores

This move to amend work hours has consequences beyond the approximately 20 lakh IT employees in Karnataka. Not only do IT companies think that workers need less rest, they also assume someone else at home will do all the tasks and chores required for us to keep our lives going.

In July, two significant things happened, economically speaking. The first was the India Forum’ analysis of the Household Consumption Expenditure Survey, which showed that about 33.8% of the Indian population lives on less than Rs 100 a day. As Indian workers become increasingly food insecure and unemployed, the second thing happened: the Karnataka government presented a proposal to extend the limit on daily hours of work.

Through the Karnataka Shops and Commercial Establishments (Amendment) Bill 2024, the state labour minister Santosh Lad aims to change the current system of 10 hours (including eight hours of work and remaining time for rest, intervals, and change of shifts) + 2 hours overtime to a 14-hour work day.

While this move may have been shelved for the moment because of protests by IT/ITeS workers, it can be useful to examine it in some depth. This is because, first, this proposal is part of a series of anti-worker policies that the state has introduced (discussed later). Therefore, some variant of this proposal, perhaps in a different sector or in a different state may not be too far away. Second, even the critics of such a move need to be reconsidered given the significant emphasis on productivity to the marketplace. It is crucial to understand in what ways this proposal failed in order to come up with better labour policies.

Also read: Karnataka IT Employees’ Union to Hold Protests Against 14-Hour Workday Proposal

At the outset, the two events described above are inextricably tied as they are both neoliberal offensives – while governments aim to “improve” unliveable earnings by compelling people to work more, people regularly find themselves deeply impoverished and food insecure despite working inhumane hours. As the debate on whether ours is the most exhausting age in history makes the rounds, capital, state and the market together continue to grotesquely usurp more of our time and earnings than ever before. In India, this takes a particularly sinister turn as thousands apply for a fraction of the jobs, given the all-time rise in unemployment.

But this move to amend work hours has consequences beyond the approximately 20 lakh IT/ITeS employees in Karnataka. Through such a proposal not only do IT companies think that workers need less rest, they also assume someone else at home will do all the tasks and chores required for us to keep our lives going.

Social reproduction examines how the daily as well as generational renewal of life is essential for the sustenance of inequality and capitalism. In other words, social reproduction involves the performance of those tasks and processes which ensure the perpetuation of social structures.

In the context of increasing work hours of IT workers, there is an assumption by companies that someone else at home – presumably women, given the results of the Time Use survey – will be performing unwaged work to ensure these workers are able to work for the IT companies the next day.

Representational image. Photo: pexels.com/throughmylife_in_ INDIA

This work which is foundational to the ability of companies to exist had led to an international Wages for Housework campaign in the 1970s. Now in India, this is especially crucial, since it often gets buried under the pretext of “love” to ensure that lakhs of workers are able to put in even more hours towards extractive capital. This is particularly disheartening because according to the Time Use Survey of 2020, women already perform 10 times the time on household maintenance, and care of children, the sick and elderly, than men.

Even critiques of increasing work hours have kept increased productivity in the market, as the central argument in their rebuttal to such moves, commenting that “an exhausted nation won’t have the time to upskill”. This assumes that workers’ free time will be used to think up ways of how to be more useful to the productive economy.

But is this argument sufficient, or does it play into capital, by keeping productivity and capital on a pedestal? Not only do workers need time for rest and rejuvenation, they also need time to perform the tiring hours of social reproduction work which ensures they are able to go to work the next day. The endless mountain of domestic chores which make our houses homes, and which allow us to contribute to the ‘productive’ economy the next day, remains unspoken of in any real sense thus far in this debate. This is fundamentally the work that companies expect will be done for free and are greatly reliant on, to ensure that companies function smoothly. But now, this work will have to be done after a punishing 14-hour work day.

Although one may argue that these IT workers can always hire paid domestic workers to do the extra work – this is ultimately neither always possible nor does it solve the problem. In fact, according to the Time Use survey of 2020, even urban women with secondary or higher levels of education (presumably those who hire paid domestic workers) end up spending about 291 minutes a day performing household chores, and 146 minutes a day caring for members of the household. This work and the time taken to do it shows no signs of reducing.

In terms of policy, this proposal has currently been shelved by the government to get the labour department’s perspective. However, this proposal to increase work hours is not isolated nor singular, and it inherits the deliberate, anti-poor and capital-centric social reproduction-extractive approach of other attempts by the state to dilute labour rights.

Labour rights trampled upon

Past inroads into labour rights have taken the form of increasing the number of Special Economic Zones (where labour laws are weakened), tweaking rules relating to SEZs to favour specific companies, introducing new labour laws which further erode workers’ rights, rash policies such as demonetisation which ultimately led to a loss of approximately 9.5 million jobs, amongst many others.

When asked, the ruling government has relied on promises of “respecting” workers, without guaranteeing any rights. The last time someone (the Anoop Satpathy Committee) told the ruling party that minimum wages need to be hiked (to Rs 375 per day), the recommendation was soundly dismissed because this “may burden the employers”.

Worse still, despite the promises of “respecting” workers, the Union government’s own Periodic Labour Force Series survey reveals that real wages – even among salaried workers – have remained stagnant from 2017 to 2022 despite rising inflation. To contextualise this a bit more, between 2022-23, 22.6% of the national income went to the top 1% of the population – the highest percentage ever since 1922. All of this is happening along with an unemployment rate which is at a morale-breaking high of 9.2 %.

According to the Karnataka IT/ITeS Employees Trade Union (KITU) secretary Nidiyanga, this proposal by the labour minister caters to companies’ needs to minimise expenditure incurred by them by reducing workers’ shifts. In other words, if working hours are increased, companies will not need to hire extra workers, especially during busy periods such as December and March. Moreover, if this were to be implemented, one-third of workers would be out of employment because of the change from three shifts to two.

This proposal also comes at a time when work is getting increasingly informalised, which is especially disquieting given that 90% of India’s labour force is already in the informal sector. Workers’ rest periods and well-being are dismissed because they potentially hinder the growth of some sectors (according to the Economic Survey). The Survey further states that limiting work hours is in fact a hindrance to workers’ capacity to earn more, completely disregarding the socio-economic factors which compel workers to work for poverty wages and beg for jobs in the first place.

What next? Tellingly, the Karnataka labour minister has already informed the public that the state government is under pressure from different companies to expedite and approve this proposal. Karnataka State IT/ITeS Employees Union or KITU has organised several campaigns, but next week on August 3, they intend to organise a massive campaign at 32 units against this proposal, and workers will be leading a procession to the Labour Commissioner’s office.

This procession is powerful – Karnataka’s IT/ITeS workers significantly contribute to the over USD 250 billion industry. This is a fantastic opportunity to address the fact that 14-hour work days and uncompensated care work that capital relies on not only impact workers’ rest and leisure but continue to usurp and invisibilise such social reproduction work.

Shardha Rajam is a lawyer working on labour and migration issues in the Asia Pacific region with a regional feminist organisation. 

Wayanad Landslide Mishap: Kerala CM Directs Officials to Withdraw ‘Gag Order’ on Scientists

Kerala Secretariat’s Revenue and Disaster Management and Housing Department had issued a note, directing the scientific community to ‘restrain themselves from sharing their opinions and study reports to [the] media’.

New Delhi: Hours after the Kerala government issued a ‘gag order’ to the “scientific community” instructing them not to share their opinions or study reports with the media on the Wayanad landslide mishap, chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan directed officials concerned to withdraw the order.   

Chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan announced on his official Facebook page that the state government does not have such a policy. He asked the chief secretary to ensure that the concerned officers withdraw the order immediately.

An hour or so after the CM’s statement, Kerala’s chief secretary clarified that the advisory “was not issued with an intent to restrain the scientific community of the state from conducting studies and providing insights” and was meant to “discourage statements and opinions by persons belonging to scientific institutions of the state, that may be misinterpreted or misquoted to create panic and confusion among the public, particularly during this sensitive time”.

“Although these are exceptions, a few such instances have come to light in the last two days,” Venu. V, chief secretary, said in a statement.

“We believe that there is great importance for scientific studies that can throw light on the challenges faced by the state in the context of climate change, and new knowledge can add to our understanding and shape our  strategies,” the chief secretary added. However, “it is important that the immediate focus on rescue, recovery and rehabilitation is not lost and that widespread panic and paranoia are not generated on account of misinterpretation of statements or opinions made, detracting from the humanitarian work at hand.”

“As the note does not convey this accurately,  it is being withdrawn with immediate effect,” the chief secretary said in the statement.

Earlier, the Kerala Secretariat’s Revenue and Disaster Management and Housing Department had issued a note, directing the scientific community to “restrain themselves from sharing their opinions and study reports to [the] media”.

The note, accessed by The Wire, also directed all science and technology institutions in Kerala to not undertake any field visits to Meppadi Panchayat, Wayanad, where the multiple landslides occurred on the morning of July 30. The area is “notified as a disaster-affected area”, the note read. 

“If any study is to be undertaken in the disaster-affected area, prior permission shall be obtained from Kerala State Disaster Management Authority,” the note had said.

The order was signed by Tinku Biswal, who is the State Relief Commissioner and Principal Secretary, Disaster Management, to the Kerala government. 

OnManorama reported Biswal as saying that the order was in keeping with disaster management protocols and that they discourage the movement of people other than rescue and relief personnel to and from the disaster site.

Regarding restricting scientists from commenting on the disaster or sharing their studies, Biswal told OnManorama that “various theories and counter-theories are being floated and that should not happen during a disaster”. 

These “theories” affect people and “dampens the mood of the population”; the government doesn’t “want people to be distracted by theories”, OnManorama quoted her as saying.

Punjab: Akali Dal on Boil Again as Badal Detractors Expelled, Party Patron Suspends Expulsion

After a string of election defeats in the past eight years, senior party leaders rebelled against Badal, blaming his ‘authoritarian’ leadership for the party’s current existential crisis.

Chandigarh: The affairs in Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), India’s oldest regional party which fought for the political and religious interests of Sikhs and farmers in the border state of Punjab, has become deeply entangled after yet another challenge to party president Sukhbir Singh Badal’s authority.

After a string of election defeats in the past eight years, senior party leaders rebelled against Badal, blaming his ‘authoritarian’ leadership for the party’s current existential crisis.

They accused him of compromising the Sikh religious sentiments for political gains besides also taking peasants for granted, leading to major loss of the party’s core support base among Sikh panth (community) and farmers.

The party, which maintained a steady vote share of 25-30% even in its worst political defeats, registered its lowest-ever vote share of 13% in the 2024 general elections.”

Badal, who still holds firm grip over the party, retaliated by expelling eight main rebels from the primary membership of the party on Tuesday (July 30) through the action of a disciplinary committee on the pretext of indulging in anti-party activities.

But a day later on Wednesday (July 31) Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa, the party patron and father of one of the expelled rebels, revoked their expulsion, saying that it was against the party constitution.

“I will write to Sukhbir Badal to seek a reply on this. Also, we will call a general house to elect a new party president,” he said, signalling tougher days ahead for Badal.

Even as Badal’s close aide and head of party’s disciplinary committee Balwinder Singh Bhunder claimed that Dhindsa had no authority to stay his decision to expel rebels, the fact that the party has gone haywire is an understatement.

Badal group responded on Dhindsa’s action by expelling him too on Thursday, August 1, claiming that he too was indulged in anti-party activities.

Issuing a statement, the party claimed that Sukhdev Dhindsa was not upholding the honour of his post. He was not only issuing unauthorized statements but was also working against the party.

Also read: Madhya Pradesh Police Detains Tamil Nadu Farmers En Route to Delhi Over Cauvery Water Dispute

Chandigarh based political analyst Pramod Kumar told The Wire that one should not read much into current happenings in Akali Dal except the fact that it is a power struggle within the party emitted from its string of political defeats.

The party has a history of divisions and revolts in the past too, he says adding he has his doubts if leadership change — as demanded by rebels — will revive the party since their own credentials are under a lot of questioning.

But there are those who believe the current crisis in the party is far more serious. Professor Ashutosh Kumar, who teaches political science at Panjab University, Chandigarh told The Wire that it is true that Akali Dal remained faction-ridden in the past and had even seen vertical divisions. However, there was never major erosion in its core social base, which mainly comprises Sikhs as well as farmers especially Jat Sikhs.

He said it is for the first time that the party’s credibility among its core social base has reached its nadir. “While Sikhs still appear angry with the party’s mishandling of sacrilege issue during their government in 2015, farmers too got disconnected with the party due to their inactive role in the farm bill protest against the BJP government at the centre in which SAD was alliance partner,” Ashutosh added.

Besides, other factors such as rural distress and Punjab’s consistent economic downfall also accumulated against Akali Dal, giving people reasons to find alternate political options. The rise of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) as well as recent Lok Sabha victories of radical leaders can also be understood in that context, he explained.

Ashutosh underlined that the problem in Punjab right now is constant political alienation of people from mainstream parties, adding that “the performance issue of the AAP government despite its historic mandate in 2022 is contributing to it”.

Meanwhile, a lot more drama is in store in Akali Dal. Rebels will soon start Shiromani Akali Dal Sudhar Lehar in order to connect with masses, which may become a new challenge for SAD president Sukhbir Singh Badal.