At First Sotheby’s Mumbai Auction, Tyeb Mehta’s Painting Sold for Rs 20.49 Crore

Amrita Sher-Gil’s ‘The Little Girl in Blue’ came in a close second, and was sold for Rs 18.69 crore.

New Delhi: Sotheby’s held its inaugural auction in Mumbai on Thursday (November 29), fetching a total of Rs 55.4 crore.

Tyeb Mehta’s ‘Durga Mahisasura Mardini‘ was sold at the highest price of Rs 20.49 crore. According to the auction house, the painting had remained in the same private collection ever since it was commissioned directly from the artist in 1993.

Amrita Sher-Gil’s ‘The Little Girl in Blue came in a close second, and was sold for Rs 18.69 crore. This, Sotheby’s said in a statement, was the highest price Sher-Gil’s work has ever received in India. Another one of the artist’s painting – made when she was just ten years old – was also sold at the auction for Rs 52,50,000.

Several other important works of art also found a place at the auction, including an untitled 1950s bronze by Sadanand Bakre (sold for Rs 1.88 crore), Arpita Singh’s ‘Men Sitting, Men Standing‘ (sold for Rs 1.88 crore) and Francis Newton Souza’s ‘Untitled (St Paul’s Cathedral)‘ (sold for Rs 1.88 crore).

The statement revealed that people spent more on the paintings than the auction house had predicted: “Over 75% of sold lots achieved prices above their pre-sale high estimates.”

Edward Gibbs, Sotheby’s chairman for the Middle East and India, said in the statement, “This is a milestone moment for Sotheby’s; the realisation of a vision we have been planning for many years. Tonight’s sale reflects Sotheby’s continued commitment to the South Asian market and our South Asian clients going forward. The enthusiasm that we have seen for the sale and for our supporting exhibitions in Delhi and Mumbai, stands us in very good stead for the future.”

Workers Go on Rampage at Phone-Making Unit After Being ‘Sacked Without Notice’

Around 1,200 workers of the Hipad Technology India, which assembles and tests Xiaomi phones, went on a rampage, pelting stones at the building and barging into the facility in Sector 63, officials said.

Noida: Hundreds of employees of a Chinese smartphone manufacturing facility here resorted to violence on Thursday after around 200 of them were “sacked without notice”, officials said.

Around 1,200 workers of the Hipad Technology India, which assembles and tests Xiaomi phones, went on a rampage, pelting stones at the building and barging into the facility in Sector 63, they said.

However, the company had no official response till the time the report was filed.

Police force was deployed at the site even as senior officers, including superintendent of police, Noida City, Sudha Singh, reached there to assess the situation.

Singh said police were alerted about the violence breaking out at the factory, under Phase 3 police station limits, around 10 am and immediately reached the spot.

“We got to know that several employees had resorted to violence after they were ‘sacked’ by their office without any notice,” she said.

Singh said no formal complaint had been lodged by the company till the afternoon, even as police were probing the facts.

However, a police official who did not wish to be named said three to four people have been picked up for questioning over their alleged involvement in the violence.

Also Read: Ola, Uber Strike in Mumbai May Have Ended, But Drivers’ Woes Everywhere Continue

A source of the company said they had intimated the vendor – workers’ contractor – in advance about the changes.

“Also, it is clearly mentioned in the terms and conditions of the contract that the company can reduce the number of workers without notice,” the source said.

The Labour Department officials who reached the unit in the afternoon said it appeared to be a case of “miscommunication” on the company’s part.

“Due to shortage of raw material, the company had asked the vendors to tell these people not to come for work from Monday. But they continued to come to office and the management today barred them from punching in (biometric entry).

“The vendor had possibly not informed the workers, that is why they kept coming to work which apparently led to this misunderstanding. The office asked them to leave the premises and the workers said they were not informed about the decision and were being sacked. That is why they resorted to violence,” assistant labour commissioner Harish Chandra Singh told PTI.

The vendors were not available at the site for clarification on the issue, Singh added.

He said the company claimed that it has engaged a neighbouring firm where it wanted to train these employees, but due to power-related issues that could not happen immediately.

“The company said they did not directly inform the workers about the training programme but told this to the vendor,” Singh said.

Meanwhile, a private security guard at the unit said the morning shift workers had arrived at 8 am for work and within two hours the rampage had begun.

“They went inside and usually by 8.30 am they all set to work on the assembly line. But more than a thousand workers had gathered outside the main building around 9.45 am and chaos ensued,” the guard said.

He also claimed that after the violence, several employees fled the building with several mobile phones and other gadgets from the building.

For Sake of Protecting the Idea of a University, JNU Teachers Must Rise

The nature of the crisis at JNU transcends the limited boundary of a particular university – it is about the changing mental and cultural landscape.

Sometimes, my own practice surprises me. I am not a ‘political’ person – political in the sense of being part of an organised party – nor am I an ‘activist’. Seldom do I participate in any social movement. I am not fundamentally different from any other middle-class professional concerned primarily with my safety, security and comfort. Yet, these days I have begun taking an active interest in ‘politics’ – by which I mean the movement initiated by the teachers’ union of my varsity for restoring the idea of a university.

Recently, the Jawaharlal Nehru University Teachers’ Association called for a hunger strike and organised a convention on the state of public-funded universities. Although, because of health reasons, I did not take part in the hunger strike, I was there to articulate my moral and political solidarity with the union. And yes, I did participate in the convention, spoke briefly and learned immensely from others.

Possibly, my inner conscience and a process of politico-ethical churning made it possible. I entered a ‘risky’ domain, came out of my comfort zone and allowed myself to be reduced into a ‘possible suspect’ in the eyes of the administration equipped with the technologies of surveillance. Who knows that yet another ‘show cause notice’ is awaiting me?

Why did I do this? In any case, I would retire within four years, and instead of involving myself with these ‘troubles’, I could have done what my middle-class ‘pragmatic’ friends often advise: Don’t utter a single word. Go to the department, teach, come back and lead a ‘peaceful’ life. If you make noise, they might not process your pension/provident fund papers.

I tried to be practical. I tried endlessly to remain silent, and prove my cleverness. But like Dostoyevsky’s ‘ridiculous man,’ I too failed. I became ‘foolish’. I began to write against the organised attack on our university, or for that matter, on the very idea of a university the way an insensitive administration backed by a potentially authoritarian regime seems determined to destroy the decentralised/democratic/transparent decision-making process, or the way the entire culture of critical pedagogy is being attacked by degrading/humiliating the teaching community (not granting them even duty leave for attending conferences and seminars) and introducing the online MCQ pattern of entrance test without ever bothering to engage in a pedagogic conversation with the teachers at every centre.

Also read: Amid Political Interference and Obsession With Ranking, Our Academic Culture is in Serious Trouble

Yes, with this critical reflection I began to enter a ‘risky’ domain, and I began to adore and respect the spirit and courage of many of my colleagues – including young teachers who have otherwise every reason to be fearful because they have just begun their careers – for their ability to overcome silence, conquer fear, nullify indifference and resist this onslaught. At this juncture, it became difficult for me to pretend that they do not exist. I thought that as a ‘senior’ faculty, I too must break my inertia, and at least try to radiate positive energy.

There is yet another reason for my self-reflexive engagement. No, this is not just about JNU, the nature of the crisis transcends the limited boundary of a particular university – and it is about the changing mental and cultural landscape. Imagine a society in which security guards are instructed to take pictures of the teachers who raise their critical voice and protest against the administration. Imagine a society in which the university administration disconnects the electricity at the Administrative Block because the teachers are on a hunger strike. Imagine a society in which no channel of communication exists between the administration and the teachers/students except midnight circulars, show cause notices and threatening ‘press releases’. Imagine a society in which discipline is equated with loyalty, teachers are seen as spokespersons of the ‘official truth’ and any critical voice that probes into the larger politico-economic issues is seen as ‘anti-national’.

John Lennon sang a song in praise of the utopia. And ironically, it is dystopia that we see in our universities. It destroys creativity, it encourages regimentation, it produces docility. It is anti-education. It prepares the ground for authoritarianism.

Hence, the crisis in JNU is merely a symptom. But then, psychologically we move from the near to the far. Hence, to a not-so-active person like me, JNU becomes the immediate context of protest. Yes, I am also becoming increasingly aware of the fact that it is not easy. Even though I see courageous/spirited teachers and union leaders trying to activate us, it is not always possible to overcome the trap of ‘fear, pragmatism and cleverness’. I know I am not free from this fear.

In fact, our middle-class existence is centred on fear – fear of losing our jobs, fear of being deprived of some extra privilege or power and fear of ‘risks’. Fear paralyses us. We die every moment with this fear, even though we drive our fancy cars, come to the university and send papers to international journals with high ‘impact factor’. Indeed, our education has made us clever, not necessarily wiser. Hence, we would never say that we are fearful. Instead, we would say that we are ‘strategic’ and ‘pragmatic’, and at the ‘right’ moment we would open our mouths. The ‘right’ moment never comes…

Also read: The Spirit of Being a University Teacher in These Turbulent Times

Think of the site of the hunger strike. This union got a huge mandate. Where are those who elected this union? It is sad to see the absence of so many teachers, despite all the eforts of mobilisation by the union leaders. Yes, retired professors who love this university, spirited young teachers and union leaders and some well wishers – their illuminating presence or moral vibrancy was remarkable.

Yet, I expected more from my colleagues – their moral support, or simply a positive gesture by acknowledging the presence of a struggle of this kind. Why is this indifference, this coldness, this pretence that everything is ‘normal’? Is it because of the trap of fear I have just mentioned? Will they continue to remain silent when the administration tries to ‘discipline and punish’ the dissenters with an illusory hope that they are eternally safe and secure?

It shatters me. Is it then reducing everything into a merely bookish material dissociated from actual living practice? With this fear how do we introduce Marx in the class, and ask students to write an essay on ‘conflict as the driving force of history’? With this cleverness, how do we deliver a lecture on Antonio Gramsci’s prison life? With this indifference how do we write papers on Gandhi and Ambedkar? Authoritarianism is here. We are searching for it in our research papers. This irony shatters me. It shatters me more because I too am a victim of it.

Avijit Pathak is a professor of Sociology at JNU.

UK Amends New Weapons Bill to Allow Status Quo on Possession of Kirpans

The Offensive Weapons Bill 2018 involves a new offence of possessing certain offensive weapons in public and places new restrictions on the online sales of bladed articles.

London: The UK government has confirmed an amendment to a new weapons Bill going through the parliament to ensure that it would not impact the right of the British Sikh community to possess and supply kirpans, or religious swords.

The Offensive Weapons Bill 2018 completed its various readings in the House of Commons this week and has now moved to the House of Lords for approval.

It involves a new offence of possessing certain offensive weapons in public and places new restrictions on the online sales of bladed articles and corrosive products in attempt to crackdown on rising knife and acid-related attacks in the country.

“We have engaged closely with the Sikh community on the issue of kirpans. As a result, we have amended the Bill to ensure that the possession and supply of large kirpans for religious reasons can continue,” a UK Home Office spokesperson said on Thursday.

Also Read: UK Government Distances Itself From Khalistan Issue

The All Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) for British Sikhs led a delegation to the UK Home Office in recent weeks to ensure that the kirpan remains exempt when the new bill becomes law.

“I am pleased to see the government amendment and look forward to seeing an accompanying set of documentation, which reflects the importance of not criminalising the Sikh community for the sale or possession of large kirpans,” said Labour MP Preet Kaur Gill, Chair of the APPG for British Sikhs.

Gill, the first female Sikh MP in the House of Commons, was accompanied by APPG vice-chairs Pat McFadden and Dominic Grieve at a meeting with UK Home Secretary Sajid Javid and Home Office minister Victoria Atkins to discuss changes to the Offensive Weapons Bill, which would maintain status quo in continuing to legally safeguard the sale, possession and use of large kirpans.

Her fellow Sikh MP, Tan Dhesi, also made an intervention during the Offensive Weapons Bill debate in the Commons to seek “assurances about the kirpan, given the Sikh community’s serious concerns”.

Large kirpans, with blades over 50-cm, are used by the community during religious ceremonies in gurdwaras as well as for ceremonies involving the traditional Sikh Gatka martial art. They would have fallen foul of the new bill on the possession of large blades without the amendment, which has now been agreed.

Also Read: Caving to Pressure from Hindu Groups, UK Backs Down on Law Against Caste Discrimination

The Offensive Weapons Bill 2018 is aimed at strengthening existing legislative measures on offensive weapons, focusing on corrosive substances, knives and certain types of firearm. The Bill will give new laws to ban the sale of corrosive substances to anyone under the age of 18, to target people carrying acid, to make it more difficult for anyone under the age of 18 to buy knives online and to ban certain types of firearms.

(PTI)

Ebola Outbreak in Eastern Congo Now Second Biggest in History

The epidemic in a volatile part of Democratic Republic of Congo is now only surpassed by the 2013-2016 outbreak in West Africa, where more than 28,000 cases were confirmed, and is bigger than an outbreak in 2000 in Uganda involving 425 cases.

Kinshasa: The Ebola outbreak in eastern Congo is now the second biggest in history, with 426 confirmed and probable cases, the health ministry said late on Thursday.

The epidemic in a volatile part of Democratic Republic of Congo is now only surpassed by the 2013-2016 outbreak in West Africa, where more than 28,000 cases were confirmed, and is bigger than an outbreak in 2000 in Uganda involving 425 cases.

Ebola is believed to have killed 245 people in North Kivu and Ituri provinces where attacks by armed groups and community resistance to health officials have hampered the response.

Also Read: Where Does Ebola Hide Between Epidemics?

Congo has suffered 10 Ebola outbreaks since the virus was discovered there in 1976. It spreads through contact with bodily fluids and causes hemorrhagic fever with severe vomiting, diarrhoea and bleeding, and in many flare-ups, more than half of cases are fatal.

“This tragic milestone clearly demonstrates the complexity and severity of the outbreak,” Michelle Gayer, Senior Director of Emergency Health at the International Rescue Committee said in a statement. “The dynamics of conflict (mean) … a protracted outbreak is … likely, and the end is not in sight.”

PM Modi Meets Saudi Prince Salman on Sidelines of G20 Summit

“In recent years, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has been a valuable partner. The relationship has expanded beyond the Indian community to issues related to the economy, energy and security. All issues of bilateral and regional interest will be discussed,” PMO sources said.

New Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with Saudi Arabia Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman on the sidelines of the G20 summit in Buenos Aires on Thursday, November 29. They discussed ways to further boost economic, cultural and energy ties.

The two sides also held discussions on enhancing investment in technology, renewable energy and food security.

“Had a fruitful interaction with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud. We discussed multiple aspects of India-Saudi Arabia relations and ways to further boost economic, cultural and energy ties,” the prime minister tweeted.

“Deepening strategic ties. PM @narendramodi met with Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud on sidelines of #G20Argentina. Discussed enhancing Saudi investment in technology, infrastructure, petroleum, renewable energy, food security, fintech & defence sectors,” External Affairs Ministry spokesperson Raveesh Kumar tweeted.

“In recent years, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has been a valuable partner. The relationship has expanded beyond the Indian community to issues related to the economy, energy and security. All issues of bilateral and regional interest will be discussed,” PMO sources said.

Also Read: Does Narendra Modi’s Visit to Saudi Arabia Signal a Shift Away from Iran?

The prime minister also met UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. According to sources, the UN Secretary General has reached out to the PM for the second time in two months.

They said the meeting signifies the importance that both leaders attach to the issue of climate change. This outreach comes just a week before the COP24 meet in Katowice, Poland.

“It reflects the respect in which the prime minister and his initiatives are held globally to take the lead on issues of global importance,” the sources said.

On the sidelines of the two-day 13th G-20 summit, Modi, Trump and Japanese Premier Shinzo Abe will hold a trilateral meeting amidst China flexing its muscles in the strategic Indo-Pacific region.

The trilateral meeting, which would be an expansion of the meeting between Trump and Abe, is part of the series of discussions the US president will have on the sidelines of the G-20 summit on November 30 and December 1.

White House Press Secretary Sarah Sanders said on Thursday the trilateral meeting with Prime Minister Modi will be held towards the end of the Trump-Abe talks.

“Looking forward to a wide range of interactions at the G-20 Summit, aimed at furthering sustainable development,” Prime Minister Modi tweeted soon after he landed here.

Modi will also meet Chinese President Xi Jinping and German Chancellor Angela Merkel on the sidelines of the event, the Ministry of External Affairs had said on the eve of his departure.

He will be in Buenos Aires from November 29 to December 1.

BJP to Shift Sabarimala Protests to Thiruvananthapuram

The announcement comes two days after the Kerala high court ordered that no protests or demonstrations should be held at Sabarimala, declaring that it was not a place for agitations.

New Delhi: The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has been spearheading the agitation against the entry of young women at Sabarimala, on Thursday announced its decision to intensify the protest by shifting it from the temple complex to the state capital.

The announcement comes two days after the Kerala high court ordered that no protests or demonstrations should be held at Sabarimala, declaring that it was not a place for agitations.

Reacting to the saffron party’s move, chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan said the decision to “stop” the protest in Sabarimala was because the BJP had got an inkling of the secular minds of the people in the state.

Talking to reporters in Thiruvananthapuram, he said, “We can see that the measures adopted by the government in Sabarimala have been welcomed by everyone. Now, BJP has stopped their protest in Sabarimala… change can be seen there.”

BJP state president P.S. Sreedharan Pillai said its leaders would launch an indefinite hunger strike before the Secretariat to press for various demands, including the lifting of prohibitory orders and providing basic amenities to pilgrims in and around the Lord Ayyappa temple.

The saffron party also wanted the scrapping of alleged ‘fake’ cases against its state general secretary K. Surendran, who is now behind the bars after being arrested en route to Sabarimala earlier this month.

Rejecting reports that the BJP was ending its Sabarimala agitation, he said, “The party will launch indefinite hunger strike before the Secretariat from December 3.”

“Senior leader and state general secretary A.N. Radhakrishnan will kick-start the agitation,” he told reporters in Kochi.

“At present, we are planning a 15-day-stir,” he said, adding that the party would decide on further course of the agitation after taking into consideration the CPI(M)-led LDF government’s stand on their demands.

Also Read: Sabarimala Issue Underscores How the Alt-Right Uses Limits of Liberty to Its Advantage

The party also has plans to start a state-wide signature campaign to collect one crore signatures demanding protection of rituals and traditions of the shrine.

The chief minister rejected the BJP’s claim that his office had masterminded the cases against Surendran.

“My office already has enough files to take care of other than that of Surendran’s… its not my office’s duty,” he said. “How can they (BJP) protest seeking to withdraw cases charged for violating the law? We cannot help it.”

Meanwhile, Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC) president Mullappally Ramachandran alleged that the BJP’s decision to shift their agitation to Thiruvananthapuram was part of the “adjustment” between the saffron party and the chief minister.

The Congress-led UDF opposition disrupted the proceedings of the state assembly for the second day today over issues related to Sabarimala.

J&K to Jail Public Servants Sexually Harassing Women

The state government has decided to amend a string of criminal procedures to curb sexual harassment.

New Delhi: Jammu and Kashmir is tightening its laws to curb abuse and victimisation of women. The government is amending as many as four criminal procedures to punish public servants sexually harassing women with a jail sentence of not less than three years, in addition to a fine.

According to an Indian Express report, the state has decided to amend provisions of Ranbir Penal Code, Criminal Procedure Code, Evidence Act and the Prevention of Corruption Act.

A spokesperson of the state’s law department said that the current legislative provisions have been found to be inadequate in dealing with cases of exploitation of women by those occupying positions of authority.

“The existing legislative provisions have been found deficient to curb this menace and therefore, a need was felt to introduce such provisions in the relevant laws which would prevent occurrence of such instances and deter the persons in authority to abuse their authority, influence or position to obtain sexual favors from the weaker sex,” the spokesperson said in a statement.

Also read: Why Sexual Assault Is Among the Most Traumatic Experiences Women Can Face

The department has sought comments and suggestions from all stakeholders, including government bodies, institutions and the general public on the draft bills – Jammu and Kashmir Criminal Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2018 and the Jammu and Kashmir Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill, 2018.

Earlier, Jammu and Kashmir high court had directed the state government to either amend existing laws or introduce new ones to curb “sextortion” – sexual abuse of women by those in authority, Kashmir Reader reported.

The draft Bill defines sexual favour as “any kind of unwanted sexual activity ranging from sexually suggestive conduct, sexually explicit actions such as touching, exposure of private body parts to sexual intercourse, including exposure over the electronic mode of communication’’ and makes clear that “it shall be no defence that the sexual benefit was derived with the consent of the victim.’’

The amendments, when in effect, will make the offence “non-bailable’’ and “not compoundable’’.

At JM Financial ARC, Independent Directors Are Raising Questions Over Poor Corporate Governance

Anil Khandelwal and H.N. Sinor’s resignations came after a year-long struggle between the board’s independent directors and the promoter over a wide range of issues.

Mumbai: It is the season of resignations for the independent directors of India Inc’s corporate boards.

The recent stormy exit of R. Chandrashekhar from the board of Yes Bank caught the media’s attention, after which the private sector lender had to issue an apology to the stock exchanges and retract its earlier statement that his resignation was on “personal grounds”.

And this is crux of the problem  – very few independent directors today state the actual reason for suddenly resigning.

While Yes Bank’s troubles have received wide publicity, what has gone under the radar are recent board-level exits at JM Financial Asset Reconstruction Company (JMFARC), in particular, the resignation of Anil Khandelwal, former chairman and managing director of Dena Bank and Bank of Baroda, from the independent directorship of JMFARC.

This lack of media scrutiny comes despite Khandelwal’s lengthy resignation email (dated October 27, 2018) which provides sharp insight into the governance practices of a company from the prestigious JM Financial stable, a group known for its investment banking and advisory services to some of India’s biggest business houses.

As per the company’s FY’ 2018 annual report, the major shareholders are JM Financial (57.1%), Narotam Sekhsaria (16.5%) and nationalised banks such as Indian Overseas Bank, UCO Bank, Union Bank of India and Central Bank of India, who collectively own 14.5%. Therefore, even though the company is unlisted (unlike the parent, JM Financial, which is listed), important developments in JMFARC are matters of public interest.

Khandelwal’s resignation letter is publicly available from the company’s filings with the Registrar of Companies, and should be mandatory reading for students of corporate governance. There are no niceties of resigning for “personal commitments” or having other more pressing “professional commitments”.

Instead he boldly proclaims:

“I for one got an impression that the company’s perception about governance issues are in wide variance to my own understanding about a transparent governance process. In the absence of any positive intent and assurance to take concrete steps on the issues raised by IDs [independent directors], I am constrained to resign from the board of the company (guided by my conscience) with immediate effect.” (Emphasis added).

Some of the specific issues he raised shine a light on the issues a family-managed company faces when its appoints independent directors who actually exercise their independence.  

Importantly, Khandelwal notes that all the independent directors of the company had four major issues relating to corporate governance practices and that on the behalf of the independent directors, “Mr Sinor [former managing director, ICICI Bank, former CEO Indian Banks Association] the senior most ID conveyed various concerns through a mail dated 13th May 2018 to the Chairman.”

Also read: Yes Bank’s Board is Slowly Resembling a Grim Shakespearean Tragedy

In an interaction with company officials on November 27, this writer was informed that there were four specific issues raised by the independent directors.

The first was that the board should have a formal board evaluation process of performance appraisal and communication among the board directors for active participation. The second issue was that all compensation of board members should be routed through the nominations and remuneration committee of the board.

The third issue was the presence of Vishal Kampani, CEO of JM Financial, who is not a director of the company, but was an invitee of JM Financial Asset Reconstruction to the board meetings. The Reserve Bank of India too had apparently raised observations on his presence on the Audit Committee meetings of the company. Finally, the independent directors raised the question of executive powers being given to the non-executive chairman.

They were particularly perturbed over the lack of transparency regarding the remuneration paid to Adi Patel, a non-executive director in the year that ended on March 31, 2018.

As per the company’s annual report, Adi Patel, who has been associated with the JM Financial for over 24 years, was appointed as a non-executive director on July 21 2017, and in FY’ 2018 attended only a single board meeting. During FY’ 2018, subsequent to his joining, the board held two additional meetings, on October 13, 2017 and January 15, 2018.

Source: JMFARC Annual Report FY2018

Source: JMFARC Annual Report FY’ 2018

Despite attending only one board meeting, the company gave him Rs 90 lakh as commission in FY’2018 while other non-executive directors received between Rs 6 lakh and Rs 7.5 lakh each. There is no explanation in the annual report regarding why Patel, as non-executive director, was entitled to such an extravagant commission, or what specific service he had rendered to deserve such a payout.

Although the board cleared his commission, the independent directors were unaware of why he was given the commission, and subsequently it became an issue of contention with the chairman. Normally, the remuneration of the executive and non-executive directors goes through the Nominations and Remuneration Committee, but the commission to be paid to non-executive directors is discussed at the board, where the executive directors play a critical role, on the principle that one cannot determine one’s own commission.

Similarly, the independent directors were uncomfortable with the presence of Vishal Kampani on their company board meetings, and even on the Audit Committee meeting, and were perturbed that the RBI had also pointed it out as an observation in their inspection. Although the management defended his presence as an invitee, the presence of a promoter who is not a director in board meetings undermines the chair, and disturbs the decorum and proceeding at board meeting as an extra-constitutional authority.  

The independent directors were also concerned regarding the executive powers exercised by the non-executive chairman. In particular, they raised objections to resolutions which authorised the non-executive chairman to jointly sign and execute agreements on a variety of issues. These include the delegation of power to borrow money jointly with the CEO, authority to appoint trustees/rating agencies, valuation agencies, registrar and transfer agents, for raising commercial paper sign documents on behalf of the company to obtain credit rating, and authority to sign the paperwork for bank guarantees.

Such authority is best exercised by the senior executive management such as CEO, and other key management personnel  and non-executive chairman by their very designation are not supposed to have such responsibilities. The management of JMFARC, however, felt that as a matter of convenience and flexibility the non-executive chairman (NEC) should also have such responsibilities as a fallback option.

The website of the company also strangely includes the NEC as a key management personnel, thus publicly highlighting its inability to distinguish between an executive chairman and a NEC.

Source: JMFARC

Source: JMFARC

Even though H.N. Sinor, the senior-most independent director, raised these four issues on behalf of all the IDs through an email dated May 13 2018, and the chairman stated in the June 2018 board meeting that the management was considering the issues, Khandelwal in his resignation email states:

“As nothing was heard almost for four months on this, I requested the Chairman to organise a meeting with the Kampanis to discuss the issues. Accordingly a meeting was scheduled with Mr Vishal Kampani on 24th Oct during which Mr Sinor communicated various concerns of all the IDs to Mr Kampani.” (Emphasis added)

In a corporate board, the final authority ends with the chairman, but in promoter-managed companies, when the promoter is not on the board, his authority supersedes the chairman. Hence the independent directors of JMFARC, sensing the chairman’s inability to address the corporate governance concerns, finally decided to approach Vishal Kampani himself.

Also read: Government Appoints BJP-Affiliated ‘Independent Directors’ in PSUs

It appears likely that after the meeting with the promoter, the concerns were not resolved satisfactorily. H N Sinor, the senior-most independent director, submitted his resignation with immediate effect a day after the meeting on October 25, citing completion of 10 years on the board, “in the true spirit of Companies Act guidelines”.

Khandelwal penned his more sharp resignation letter two days later, on October 27.

Resignation Letter by The Wire on Scribd

In an interaction with this writer, the management of JM Financial ARC stated that they are compliant with corporate governance practices, and that the executive functions to the non-executive chairman, the commission paid to Adi Patel, and Vishal Kampani’s presence at board meeting had all been approved by the board, and hence the independent directors should not be objecting.

On the other hand, the independent directors’ views are that even if they had approved these decisions, they subsequently realised that such approvals were not in the best interests of the company. And that they then wanted the company to overturn these decisions. It appears, from the resignations of Sinor and Khandelwal, that the company management, and most importantly, the promoter, were unwilling to concede.

To outside observers, Khandelwal’s resignation is an eye-opener regarding how a supposedly professional board, which includes some independent directors, is unable to implement basic corporate governance hygiene practices on account of a promoter who, though not being on the board, wants to play a decisive operational role.

In such boards, there is no difference between executive and non-executive functions of the non-promoter chairman. Non-executive directors can be arbitrarily rewarded without any disclosure to the board, and the promoter can be “invited” to attend board meeting and be present in the crucial Audit Committee meeting, even disregarding the disapproval of the regulator.

In this case, when the independent directors realised that certain earlier practices of the board needed to be revised, they raised the issues at board meetings, took the matter up with the chairman, and, when nothing was happening to address their concerns, had a meeting with the promoter, only to realise it was in vain.

Fortunately for the public, Khandelwal did not offer up the usual bromides about his personal commitments having forced him to quit and instead provided an example of how India Inc’s independent directors should perform their duties.

Eleven Get Life Term for Burning Alive Dalit Man in Una in 2012

A Gujarat court also imposed a fine of Rs 54,500 on each of the accused, who were found guilty of killing Lalji Sarvaiya, a Dalit youth of Ankolali village in Una taluka.

Ahmedabad: Eleven people were sentenced to life imprisonment till death by a court in Gir-Somnath district of Gujarat on Thursday for burning a Dalit man alive six years ago.

The court also imposed a fine of Rs 54,500 on each of the accused, who were found guilty of killing Lalji Sarvaiya, a Dalit youth of Ankolali village in Una taluka in September 2012.

The judgement was pronounced by Additional District Judge S.L. Thakkar in Una court, said public prosecutor Mohan Gohil.

Showing no leniency towards the accused, who are behind bars since 2012, the judge termed the case as “rarest of rare”.

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None of the convicts will be entitled for remission of sentence, the judge said, thus awarding them a life sentence till death.

Bhana Koli, Babu Koli, Dhiru Koli, Bhikha Koli, Ram Koli, Pancha Koli, Pravin Koli, Hamir Koli, Arjan Koli, Gabhru Koli and Lalji Koli were found guilty of murder and criminal conspiracy, among other charges.

Sarvaiya (27) worked in a stone quarry. His was the only Dalit family in the village.

He had applied for a mining license and some villagers did not want him to get it, said the family’s lawyer Govind Parmar.

“As part of a conspiracy, Dhiru Koli falsely claimed that Sarvaiya had kidnapped his daughter and hid her in his house. On September 13, 2012, Dhiru and others gathered outside Sarvaiya’s house and locked him up,” said Parmar.

As per the chargesheet, the accused persons then poured kerosene and set the house ablaze. Sarvaiya was charred to death.