Maharashtra’s Ban on Dance Bars Has Done More Harm Than Good

The state needs to find ways to support women’s rights and prevent exploitation. Banning dance bars is not the answer.

The state needs to find ways to support women’s rights and prevent exploitation. Banning dance bars is not the answer.

Bar dancers . Credit: oneindia.com

Maharashtra is not a liberal state by many measures. The Shiv Sena came to power on an agenda of kicking immigrants out. The BJP government banned the sale of beef in the state because it offended the sensibilities of a section of Hindus and Jains. But there was some opposition to the government’s plans in these cases.

Bar dancing, however, has done what no other issue could: it has brought together the government and the opposition parties. The politicians stand united and proud, having taken away the livelihood of thousands of impoverished women – all in the name of decency and morality.

The background of the ban

On August 15, 2005, the Maharashtra government banned all dance bars in Mumbai to “prevent immoral activities, trafficking of women and to ensure the safety of women in general”.

The ban was challenged in the Bombay high court on the grounds that it was an infringement of Articles 14 and 19(1)(g) of the Constitution, which guarantee, respectively, the right to equality and the right to practise any profession. The court ruled that the ban infringed both of these rights and overturned it.

The matter was then heard by the Supreme Court, which upheld the high court’s decision and ruled that the ban was unconstitutional. The case was decided on July 16, 2013.

Yet, for two-and-a-half years after the Supreme Court’s verdict, the Maharashtra government did not overturn the ban. This forced the court to step in again and give directions to the government to issue  licences to dance bars by early March of this year. Four licenses were issued, which were then revoked. For now, the number of licensed dance bars in Mumbai stands at zero.

Against this backdrop, the Maharashtra government is working hard at drafting legislation to ban dance bars, only this time in a way that would prevent it from being struck down as unconstitutional.

Violating constitutional right to livelihood

The ban affects the right to livelihood of female dancers and of the bar owners, and jeopardises the livelihood of many others. A vast majority of bar dancers have people relying on them for sustenance, with some women supporting up to ten dependents. A ban on dance bars pushes these women and their families further into impoverishment.

It is here that one must understand the concept of sexual labour. For a long time, women’s rights organisations have been trying to separate ‘trafficking for sex’ from ‘sex work’ – if a person is engaging in work that involves performing sexual acts for money it need not necessarily mean they are being exploited. This linear understanding of sex work takes away any choice a person may have exercised in doing such work. Many women took to dancing in bars because it offered them a way out of other informal sector jobs (such as cleaning houses) and it paid well. Most were, in effect, self-employed, and even though they relied on the bar owners for protection and infrastructure, they could negotiate their terms, as they were the prime attraction in bars.

Certainly, it is not unthinkable that a woman might prefer dancing for money to doing manual work like cleaning houses. But this choice was completely taken away from the women when the ban was put in place.

Misplaced fear 

One of the reasons for the state government to pursue a ban on dance bars is the possibility of women being exploited. By such reasoning, the film and modelling industries should be banned as well. But, the mere possibility of a risk is not enough justification for a ban. The effective response to such a fear would be to regulate the industry and introduce safeguards to reduce, and hopefully eliminate, the danger.

Where sexual labour is concerned, a ban never eliminates the profession altogether; instead, it pushes those concerned into conducting their business with no protection of their rights by the state.

The effective way to tackle trafficking for sex is by recognising the workers’ rights. This is not to downplay the problem of trafficking of women or claim that it does not exist. However, research studies have shown that the majority of bar dancers are in the business due to economic conditions or simply because they like doing it. Bar dancing has helped them come out of impoverishment and provide better living conditions for themselves and their families.

More problems than solutions

Dancing in bars has allowed women to use the male gaze to their advantage, much like women in the entertainment industry have done. The ban not only did away with such empowerment, but also pushed many women back into impoverishment – nearly 75,000 women lost their livelihood. These women then flooded the informal sector as they sought work as domestic workers, rag pickers, factory workers and salespersons. This in turn pushed down wages in these sectors and resulted in further impoverishment.

Additionally, as usually happens when something is banned, some dance bars continued to function. The chances of dancers being exploited in these bars increased manifold as the places were illegal to begin with.

A ban on bar dancing causes more problems than it solves. A ban is simply not the answer. The state needs to recognise the right of a woman to earn a living in a manner of her choosing. While it also has the responsibility of skill building to ensure that no one performs in dance bars due to economic stress, it cannot ban women from earning money from dancing if they so choose. There is a need to regulate the dance bars, but not in a way that punishes women. Their rights must be recognised and cannot be sacrificed at the altar of vague and subjective concepts like obscenity and immorality.

‘There Will Be More Communalisation and Polarisation of Assam’s Political Life’: Akhil Gogoi

In conversation with The Wire, Akhil Gogoi talks about the Assam elections, student politics, the accusation of being a Maoist and more

In conversation with The Wire, Akhil Gogoi talks about the Assam elections, student politics, the accusation of being a Maoist and more

Akhil Gogoi. Credit: PTI

Akhil Gogoi. Credit: PTI

Guwahati: Akhil Gogoi, the 40-year-old Assamese peasant leader, formed the Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti (KMSS) in 2005. His political struggle has mostly been directed against the building of dams, land mafias and corruption in public life.

In 2012, he teamed up with Anna Hazare in Delhi. Hazare backed his party’s aggressive blockading of dam-building equipment on the highways of Assam’s Dhemaji and Lakhimpur areas, meant for the construction of the Subansiri Lower Dam worth Rs 60 billion (in a 2002 estimate). The Congress government accused him of being a ‘Maoist’. He denied the accusations, telling India Today that KMSS respected the ideology of Mao Zedong but didn’t believe there were such a thing as ‘Maoism’.

Times of India cited him as the ‘chief of anti-BJP organisation, KMSS’ when he controversially said the party was trying to ‘do a Kashmir in Assam’ by teaming up with AIUDF in the northeastern state, like it has with PDP in Kashmir.

He has consistently spurned electoral games and this year, too, has refused to contest the upcoming state assembly polls because he does not believe that merely winning will bring fundamental changes to the lives of people.

He seems like a maverick, but sticks to his guns in a state where politicians of every hue switch or trade loyalties and ideological positions are directed by psephologists’ calculations. Excerpts:

How do you think Assam will change after these state elections?    

There will be more communalisation and polarisation of Assam’s political life. Mafias and the rule of syndicate groups will be the order of the day. Social fabric based on the ethos of multiculturalism, the hallmark of the Assamese society, will break down. The Amit Shah model of governance will be the new hallmark. The power of capital/money will be aggressive. For instance, our national highways will be fully toll operated. The class of traders-businessmen will be more important in Assam’s everyday life.

In your history as a politician, what was the most important learning phase for you? Can one assume it was the period you decided to form KMSS?

The experience of neo-liberal India after the 1991 reforms on Assam has become fast visible. Assam is constantly on the warpath against the aggression of neo-liberal capital against her natural resources in the form of dam building. We see more instances of land and water grabbing along with price rise. The experience of the people of Assam against this new onslaught of capital is our learning experience.

How does the Left movement in Assam compare to the most important Left movements in the rest of the country?

The Left movement is weak in India. There is some form of Left-led trade unionism in Assam. The general people, farmers and others are far away from Left politics. This is despite a rich history of Left mobilisation. The example of Assam is a reflection of this.

Do you think after three terms in government Tarun Gogoi should continue to govern the state of Assam?

Tarun Gogoi should not come back. But at the same time, the Himanta Biswa Sarma led-BJP is worse in terms of its political culture and agenda. Himanta B. Sarma should not replace Tarun Gogoi.

But Sarbananda Sonowal is the official CM candidate of the BJP.

I referred to Sarma because HBS is the key figure the within the BJP and his latent ambition to become chief minister of Assam is known to everyone.

What are your views on Hyderabad student Rohith Vemula’s suicide?

The BJP-RSS is always anti-Dalit, poor and a supporter of orthodoxy.

There were newspaper reports that Kanhaiya Kumar was to campaign for the Left parties in Assam  but what are your views on the student leader?

He is surely a new icon of aspiration for the poor. But it will take time for him to establish himself as solid political worker. His oration needs to be connected to actual hard work.

A debate was sparked after the JNU arrests which raised questions about whether nationalism and patriotism are the same thing – what according to you is the difference (or similarity) between the two? How do these concepts translate to Assam, as there are so many nationalisms here?

Both nationalism and patriotism must address the basic needs of the people. Historically, Assam had a different trajectory or take on nationalism and patriotism. The BJP-RSS orchestrated idea of nation and patriotism is highly exclusive, based on Hindutva and forceful. It is either yes or no. In this idea, geography is more important than everyday life of the people. Also, this idea of patriotism is articulated by a class of people.

What is your advice for rising student leaders?

The new student leaders should speak more for the poor. Students leaders from the Congress-BJP are basically stepping stones for becoming MLAs and MPs in future.

Why are you not fighting these upcoming assembly elections?

Winning elections may not bring fundamental change into the lives of people. There are different ways of changing the lives of people. We believe in changing the system. These debates are never-ending. The Kejriwal government is a result of these debates. When one should capture power, it will be decided by the specific historical context but at the same time power capture is not the sole intention.

Why did the Congress accuse you of being a Maoist? Why do they underestimate you?

When you fight for the rights of tribals, dalits and the landless, you are not expected to be the blue-eyed boy of the government. The Congress hates us because we have relentlessly fought on the behalf of the poor on issues of water, land and forest rights. If KMSS is appreciated by the mainstream parties, we will be surprised!

What do you think of Tarun Gogoi raking up the issue of the secret killings of ULFA’s kin while AGP was in power, and directly accusing the BJP’s CM candidate, Sarbananda Sonowal, of involvement in the murder of student leader Saurav Bora in 1986?

Secret killing is a truth. But no one is serious enough to punish the guilty. It is an election gimmick.

What do you think about Tarun Gogoi saying that the AGP and other regional parties have lost their regional character by tying up with the BJP, and ‘selling out’?

Assamese nationalists who are also ‘regionalist’ are very weak in terms of their economic and political outlook. They are dependent on other forces for their survival and sustenance. Often their parasitical temperament becomes very visible. They are a classic case of comprador class. This class can become communal nationalists quickly. This has happened during this election.

Do you think undocumented migration would be less of a problem if Assam were less agrarian and more industrialised?

That immigration took place/takes place is true. But whether industrialisation can resolve this crisis or not is too early speculate. Because who will be the industrialists: that is also a fundamental question. It is not simply a question of creating a labour market.

Note: The interview was edited on March 29 to include a question on Akhil Gogoi’s reference to Himanta Biswa Sarma as a chief ministerial contender.

Gujarat, Winner of the ‘Most Friendly Film State’ Award? That’s a Surprise

Hindi mainstream cinema has won most of the top awards this year, but the choices are debatable

A still from Bahubali which has won the national award for the best film of the year.

A still from Bahubali which has won the national award for the best film of the year.

The 63rd National Film Awards, announced on Monday, March 28, are considered prestigious, because unlike the U.S., India doesn’t have a culture of film awards handed by writers or directors’ guild or critics’ circle; even the country’s popular film awards are of doubtful credibility and merely an excuse to make a mélange of stars dance on stage. Also, given that Indian cinema comprises of films from various states and languages, and is not just limited to Hindi films (Bollywood), a fact that’s often overlooked, National Awards cast light on achievements that may have gone unnoticed.

Nearly every year, films from regional languages feature prominently in National Awards, pointing cinephiles towards newer stories, newer voices, which didn’t find enough—or, at times, any—exhibition in their local multiplexes.

This year, however, has been different, as the major winners are a big part of mainstream cinema — Hindi cinema in particular — something that doesn’t happen often.

The Best Film (Bahubali), Best Director (Sanjay Leela Bhansali for Bajirao Mastani), Best Actor (Amitabh Bachchan for Piku), and Best Actress (Kangana Ranaut for Tanu Weds Manu Returns) awards have been won by people and films that are known to a large number of movie-watching audiences. That’s not necessarily a bad thing in itself. Awards are, after all, an exercise in recognising the most meritorious, and the participants should be judged irrespective of their backgrounds and privileges.

One might also argue that both Bahubali and Bajirao Mastani – not the greatest of movies even among their Hindi peers during the year – are fictional valorisations of a certain kind of Indian cultural imagery and mythology. Is this some kind of signal?

No shortlist available

Having said that, a list of any awards is bound to invite agreements and disagreements; that’s the nature of this beast. But since — as opposed to most awards — National Awards don’t give out a shortlist of competing films or nominees in different categories, merely disagreeing with the final decision is not very instructive.

For instance, for the latest National Awards, we just know that 308 “Feature Films” and “168 Non-Feature Films” were in competition. (A pet peeve: Instead of “Feature” and “Non-Feature” films, it would be more accurate to call them “fictional” films and “documentaries”, as “feature” is indicative of a film’s length, not form.) So if one says, for example, Bahubali didn’t deserve to win the Best Film, that statement’s rather incomplete, because it doesn’t say what should have won instead, and it cannot, because there’s not enough information on what else the movie was up against. And an informed opinion on what should have won can come only come from watching nearly every film in contention, including many regional films, which usually don’t find release in many cities of the country with subtitles.

But, just for argument’s sake, I will turn the questions about the awards inwards, and ask myself, to begin with, did Baahubali deserve to win the Best Film? Not really. I don’t think it was the best film of the film year even if was quite audacious and ambitious, and was bolstered by a unique visual language that’s slowly deserting our cinema. But just among Hindi films this last year, Masaan, Titli, and NH10 were considerably better.

Amitabh Bachchan, winner of the best actor award was the weakest link of an otherwise fine film, Piku. Playing the role of Bhashkor, a crabby old man, beset with sluggish bowel movements, Bachchan, I thought, struggled to completely adopt the mannerisms and accent of his character, and couldn’t step out of his mould, one he’s perfected over the years. Similarly, Bajirao Mastani saw Sanjay Leela Bhansali make an impressive come back, but it wasn’t even close to being the directorial performance of the year. Kangana Ranaut turned in a fine performance in an uneven film, Tanu Weds Manu Returns, but Deepika Padukone (Bajirao Mastani), Anushka Sharma (NH10) and Kalki Koechlin (Margarita With a Straw), winner of the Special Jury Award, had much more to offer. 

 On the other hand, few will find faults with Thithi, Chauthi Koot, andVisaaranai bagging awards for Best Kannada, Punjabi, and Tamil Film.

New category

This year also saw a new category: the curiously titled Most Film Friendly State Award. The award, instituted for the first time to “promote the Indian film industry and India’s soft power”, went to the state of Gujarat. One has to wonder why.

Because, when it comes to films, let’s see what’s happened in Gujarat just in the last few months: in December 2015, following protests in Ahmedabad, Surat and Mehsana, nearly a dozen theatre owners in the state had to stop the screening of the Shah Rukh Khan-starrer Dilwale, fearing damage to their properties. In February 2016, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) members staged protest against the shooting of Khan’s Raees, after his “intolerance” comment made nearly three months before that. In December 2014, violent protests were held in Ahmedabad against Aamir Khan’s P. K., and the film’s screening had to be stopped in at least two theatres of the city.

Sure, a argument can be made that Gujarat was adjudged 2015’s most-friendly film state (so the protests against P.K. and Raees don’t technically count), but, even then, it’s difficult to reconcile that award with three protests in the last 14 months, against something as innocuous as a film screening. Besides, the yardstick on which the award was given remains murky. “We chose Gujarat primarily because of the efforts in the direction of ease of doing business and facilitation of films and towards the promotion of Indian cinema,” C. Senthil Rajan, the director of Directorate of Film Festival, a government body that organises the National Awards, said at the press conference today. But then a natural question does come to one’s mind: Shouldn’t an award like this be democratic—asking nominations from directors, actors, and technicians who’ve actually shot films in different states of the country—as opposed to it being adjudged by a jury, comprising only a select few members such as Sudhir Mishra, Bharat Bala and Pravesh Sahani? We can only hope to know the answer.

What Happens to Journalistic Ethics When the News Site is a Photo Studio

The practice of manufacturing events – and emotions – by setting up or recreating scenarios that can be photographed is undermining photojournalism

The practice of manufacturing events – and emotions – by setting up or recreating scenarios that can be photographed is undermining photojournalism

instagram-image-brussels-memorial (1)

From the Instagram posting by Khaled Al Sabah

 

Khaled Al Sabbah, a young, award-winning photojournalist, was caught on video getting a child to strike a mourning pose following the Brussels terror attacks. The footage has sparked a debate on the ethics of photojournalism.

In my own work as a photojournalist, I have often witnessed my colleagues orchestrating the re-enactment of a situation, such as two political leaders shaking hands, or signing MOUs. I have asked them why they do so, and the response always is that they don’t want to miss a picture. However, in focusing on the moment, they not only fictionalise their narratives ­­– which is unethical – they also ignore the larger context of what they’re reporting on.

This is the difference between a photojournalist, and a technician: the latter is hyper-focused on pushing for one photographable moment, without paying heed to the consequences or ethical implications of doing so.

Of course, some stagings involve the mechanical reproduction of a moment – a repeated handshake or a smile or a wave – while others, like the posed shot in Brussels, confect an event or an emotion, turning the photographer and her or his camera into an actor or creator rather than a chronicler of the moment.

Across the world, the response of serious photojournalists has been unforgiving.

“Bad luck for him (Al Sabbah), but he shouldn’t have done it. I guess the pressure by his employer, or a tight deadline, or the need to make a living have eroded his ethics and he gave in,” John Vink, a Belgian photojournalist, told me in an email.

Reinhard Krause, global pictures editor at Thomson Reuters declined to comment on the photo but shared with me the Reuters Code of Conduct, which details the organisation’s rules for staff and freelancers. On the subject of staged pictures, the code says, “Reuters photographers, staff and freelance, must not stage or re-enact news events. They may not direct the subjects of their images or add, remove or move objects on a news assignment.”

Reuters cut ties with freelance photographer Adnan Hajj after it found that he had altered two photographs from Lebanon. Reuters also withdrew all 920 photographs by him from its database.

Despite the setting out of clear guidelines and the possibility of disciplinary action, the practice of staging photos is distressingly common.

As American photojournalist Ed Kashi says, “This event is yet another sad example of photographers, often young but not always so, who feel compelled to amp up their image by making the scene fulfil a vision or message that they either want to tell, or feel the public will want to see. Unfortunately it erodes the public’s trust in our profession, at a time where we are losing that trust at a rate never before witnessed. The ethics of photojournalism preclude directing or setting up anything, except for portraits.”

Altaf Qadri, a photojournalist with Associated Press says, “We, as responsible photographers, must never stage anything. It’s totally unethical. If we lose credibility, we lose everything.”

Photojournalism is, first and foremost, about patience, staying alert, and upholding ethics. Sometimes, in the process, the photojournalist may miss out on a story. However, this is not a licence to set up or recreate the story.

Images tell a story but journalism is about fidelity to the story and not the image.  Sometimes, an  unstaged image, taken out of context, can end up telling a story different from what actually unfolded. I’d like to present an example from my own work. Close to three hundred journalists had gathered on the steps of Sonia Gandhi’s residence in 2009 after the Congress won the elections for the second time. As photographers, we were there to capture Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh smiling, waving their hands, and engaging in gestures of one kind or another.

I was among the throng, taking many gigabytes worth of photographs in rapid fire. When I returned to my workspace, I looked through what I’d taken. A particular image caught my eye ­– in it, Sonia Gandhi is taking a large stride forward, leaving Manmohan Singh behind. Singh, as he usually did, seems to be looking sheepishly at her.

Manmohan and Sonia Gandhi in May 2009. Credit: Shome Basu

Manmohan and Sonia Gandhi in May 2009. Credit: Shome Basu

When my magazine editor saw it, he said we could run it with a strapline suggesting that Sonia Gandhi was remote-controlling Singh. But since I’d been there, I knew the context in which I’d taken the image. In that moment, Manmohan had asked Sonia Gandhi to speak first, and the odd body language that I’d captured occurred in a thousandth of a second during that process. But my picture got published not because it was true to the reality of the event I had witnessed but because it conformed with the political perception in the corridors of Delhi that Manmohan was a puppet in Sonia’s hands.

Another instance of an actual photograph conveying odd body language was a recent image of French president Francois Hollande and Indian prime minister Narendra Modi at the rock garden in Chandigarh in January 2016.

Narendra Modi and Francois Hollande, Rock Garden, Chandigarh, January 2016. Credit: PTI

Narendra Modi and Francois Hollande, Rock Garden, Chandigarh, January 2016. Credit: PTI

As Modi was walking with Hollande through a set of sculptures,  a superfast, motor-driven camera froze a moment which again involved a fraction of a second. History will archive both these images as representations of fact but the circumstances which produced them were very different. ‘After an event has ended, the picture will still exist, conferring on the event a kind of immortality it would never have otherwise enjoyed.’ This is what Susan Sontag said as a critique of the medium in her book On Photography.

In moments like these, the tricky question of truth-telling remains, when such gestures speak for themselves. There are also graver questions of representation, such as whether it is ethical to take and publish pictures of people in the immediate aftermath of tragedy. The recent debate about the use of Jet Airways stewardess Nidhi Chaphekar’s picture, taken soon after the Brussels attack in the airport, outlines this last problem. That the photographer herself was conflicted was evident by the interview she gave in which she confessed to experiencing a huge sense of relief when she read how Chaphekar’s relatives were happy to learn – through the photograph – that she had survived the terrorist attack.

Ultimately, the person holding the camera is freezing moments in history and journalism requires that those moments be fact and not fiction. Henri Cartier-Bresson’s body of work, including his collection The Decisive Moment, was in some way an outcome of his intense shyness. Preferring photography over verbal interactions, Cartier-Bresson was akin to an invisible being who recorded the times he lived in. This is the photographer’s work: to stick to the story, and responsibly serve as a window into the unseen and unheard world.

Otters Return to a Revitalised Kerala River

Otters are apex predators in a riverine ecosystem. Their return indicates that there is plenty to eat for the otters and that there is a natural habitat safe enough for them to breed.

Otters are apex predators in a riverine ecosystem. Their return indicates that there is plenty to eat for the otters and that there is a natural habitat safe enough for them to breed.

Smooth-coated otters in Thoothapuzha. Credit: Revi Unni

Smooth-coated otters in Thoothapuzha. Credit: Revi Unni

Even as the blistering heat sucks lakes and rivers dry in the southern state of Kerala, water flows continuously through the Thootha River (Thoothapuzha). The river is in no hurry as it lazes past Thootha village, flowing between reed clumps and jumping over half-buried rocks. In the morning and at dusk, when the sun’s rays hit the river at an angle, a bevy of smooth-coated otters (Lutra perspicillata) are seen playing and fishing in the river.

Otters have returned to Thoothapuzha. The residents of Thootha remember to have seen them in plenty nearly two decades ago. They disappeared for many years and were seen again in the river in the past year.

They are apex predators in this riverine ecosystem. Their return to a river is akin to tigers returning to a forest. It indicates that the ecological health of the river has improved, there is plenty to eat for the otters, and there is a natural habitat safe enough for them to breed.

Villagers in Thootha say the return of the otters could have been due to the river conservation activities they have been carrying out in the recent years. “In my childhood, it was common to sight otters when we swam in the river,” said C.P. Hamid, a 45-year-old bus owner. “Around 15 years ago, we stopped seeing them totally, and now we see them occasionally in areas where there aren’t much human movement. This is a good indication.”

“We have been working to stop open defecation on the river banks, and also dumping of waste,” said Nasser Thootha, a social and political activist. “We keep watch at night to prevent drivers from taking their trucks into the river for washing. We have managed to reduce this by 80%, which is a major achievement. There was a time a few years ago when the river used to stink and even bus passengers covered their noses when passing over the bridge. Fortunately, it is not so today.”

A local group under the banner of Thoothapuzha Samrakshana Samithi carried out a river cleaning campaign a few months ago. They gathered the youth and schoolchildren from the village to clean the river. “This activity raised the awareness of the community on their relationship with the river ecosystem and the need for its conservation,” said Mohammed Iqbal, a local businessman.

No dynamite

“A few years ago we managed to stop fishing from the river using dynamite sticks, and that would have improved the fish population in the river,” said Hamid. When dynamite sticks are exploded in a river, fishes die en masse and float, thereby making it easy for fishermen to harvest them. However, in the process they destroy non-targeted species and juveniles, destroying fish diversity and productivity.

Similarly, the group’s effort to prevent sand mining in the river has met with reasonable success, though they have not been able to stop it completely. These activities have had an impact on the otters returning to Thoothapuzha, the group members say.

“From our understanding, we need to give space for the otters and also ensure that little waste finds its way into the river. Our efforts are to continue to make this possible,” commented Iqbal.

Nasser says the group has requested the local panchayat (village council) to allocate funds for cleaning the river. According to M.V. Sini, Aliparamb panchayat president, new programmes on environment conservation will be launched when her team starts its work in the new financial year starting April 1.

Revi Unni, a bank officer and wildlife photographer who has been sighting otters from his home along the river regularly in the past few months, confirms that it must be the conservation activities that have helped the animals to return. “The fish quantity has increased in the river because dynamite fishing has ended. Water quality improved when a starch factory upstream stopped its operations because of financial unviability,” he observed.

N. Ali, a traditional fisherman in Thoothapuzha who moved out of fishing into trading a few years ago when the catch declined, says the otters come when the fish in the river increases. However, with the presence of the otters, the fish catch may drop.

Wildlife biologists say the citizen group’s action would have indirectly helped in getting otters back into the river. “Otters are the top predators in a wetland ecosystem,” said S.A. Hussain, scientist at the Wildlife Institute of India (WII) and the  otter expert for India. “In the rivers, otters are what the tigers are in forests. So when they return, it means that there is enough to eat in the river and the ecosystem health is improving.”

The presence of otters also benefits the river system, according to Hussain. They eat slow and diseased fish, preventing the spread of fish diseases. They also prefer to eat the invasive fish species, thus maintaining the population of the native species. Hussain and his then student K.R. Anoop had published a paper in the Journal of Zoological Society of London stating that smooth-coated otters in the Periyar dam reservoir were seen to eat the exotic tilapia and European carp, instead of the native Deccan mahsheer and endemic Periyar barb.

Currently a forest officer in Rajasthan, K.R. Anoop had studied the presence of otters in Kerala’s rivers as a student at the WII. “Otters move along locations in a river searching for good living conditions. Being the apex predators in the aquatic system, they help in maintaining a good fish population.”

Wildlife biologist Aathira Perinchery says otters are considered bio-indicators since their presence signifies improvement in water quality and availability of fish and other aquatic animals. They, however, try and avoid human habitations. By creating a better environment and reducing human activity in the water and along the banks – where they make their dens and breed – the community at Thootha would have encouraged them to return.

Otter adaptation

“They are adaptable animals, and their ability to adjust to changes in water levels – and consequently, food resources – could hold them in good stead in the face of climate change. Thus the ecosystems they are part of too would be better off, and more resilient,” Aathira said.

The ecosystem services from Thoothapuzha are tangible. Starting mid-February, Kerala is experiencing high heat and dry weather. Though it is not unusual for Kerala to be hot in February-March as a precursor to southwest monsoon that is timed to reach the coast in June, the dry weather is unusual. As breeze picks up moisture from the Thoothapuzha, it gives respite to those living along the river. There is water in the wells and enough flowing in the river for people to wash and bathe.

The adjoining Bharatapuzha, into which Thoothapuzha empties its contents downstream, is running dry, and the panchayats taking their drinking water from wells on the riverbank have asked for water from elsewhere.

Bharatapuzha is one of the most important rivers of Kerala. Starting from the Western Ghats and flowing through three districts – Palakkad, Malappuram and Thrissur – the river’s water supports thousands of acres of rice fields and other farmland. Its water also supports industries and the drinking water needs of towns and villages. Thus, even when Bharatapuzha dries, the replenishing water from Thoothapuzha helps in maintaining an economic lifeline.

The villagers at Thootha do not understand concepts discussed at international climate negotiations. Their efforts to conserve and protect Thoothapuzha are to ensure a healthy environment and source of water for themselves. In the process, the otters have returned, indicating that their efforts are bearing fruit. Also, they have gifted themselves climate resilience, protecting them from the present hot and dry weather.

This article was originally published in India Climate Dialogue.

Hate-Speech Accused 3 Times More Successful In Elections

As many as 70 members of parliament and members of legislative assemblies have hate-speech cases pending against them, according to their own disclosures to the Election Commission of India.

Candidates with hate-speech cases against them were three times more successful in elections compared to those without a criminal record, according to an IndiaSpend analysis of self-disclosed crime records of candidates who have contested various elections nationwide over the past 12 years.

To put this data in perspective, over the past 12 years, 10% of candidates with no criminal cases won elections, while the figure was 20% for candidates with criminal cases of any kind.

IS1

As many as 70 members of parliament and members of legislative assemblies have hate-speech cases pending against them, according to their own disclosures to the Election Commission of India.

IS2

A season of hate speeches by politicians—including union ministers, MPs and MLAs—is underway across India, riven by inflamed, opposing views on nationalism and free speech. Some recent examples:

Union Ministers

Source: Twitter/Sadhvi Niranjan Jyoti

Source: Twitter/Sadhvi Niranjan Jyoti, Indian Express

Source: Facebook/Dr Ram Shankar Katheria

Source: Facebook/Dr Ram Shankar Katheria, IndiaExpress

Source: Facebook/Dr Ram Shankar Katheria

Source: Facebook/Dr Ram Shankar Katheria, The Hindu

Source: Twitter/Dr Sanjeev Balyan

Source: Twitter/Dr Sanjeev Balyan, Indian Express

Source: Twitter/Giriraj Singh

Source: Twitter/Giriraj Singh, Indian Express

Members of Parliament

Source: Twitter/Dr Sakshi Maharaj

Source: Twitter/Dr Sakshi Maharaj, The Hindu

Source: Twitter/Dr Sakshi Maharaj

Source: Twitter/Dr Sakshi Maharaj, IBN Live

Source: Wikimedia Commons

Source: Wikimedia Commons, India Today

Source: Facebook/Anant Kumar Hegde

Source: Facebook/Anant Kumar Hegde, Indian Express

Source: india.gov.in

Source: india.gov.in, Indian Express

Source: Wikimedia Commons

Source: Wikimedia Commons, 4 TV

Source: Facebook/Rak Kumar Saini

Source: Facebook/Rak Kumar Saini

Members of Legislative Assemblies (MLAs)

Source: samajwadiparty.in, India Today

Source: samajwadiparty.in, India Today

Source: Facebook/Kailash Choudhury, Indian Express

Source: Facebook/Kailash Choudhury, Indian Express

Source: Facebook/Sangeet Singh Som, Indian Express

Source: Facebook/Sangeet Singh Som, Indian Express

Source: Facebook/Akbar Owaisi MIM, 4 TV

Source: Facebook/Akbar Owaisi MIM, 4 TV

Source: Facebook/Amanatullah Khan, Youtube

Source: Facebook/Amanatullah Khan, Youtube

Political party chiefs

Source: BJP, India Today

Source: BJP, India Today

Source: BJP, Live Mint

Source: BJP, Live Mint

Source: Wikimedia Commons, Indian Express

Source: Wikimedia Commons, Indian Express

Source: Twitter/Dilip Ghosh, Huffington Post

Source: Twitter/Dilip Ghosh, Huffington Post

How “hate speech” is identified, numerous laws in force

“Hate speech” currently has no specific legal definition, although the Law Commission has been tasked by the Supreme Court to do just that.

There are several sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) that pertain to hate speech, including:

  • 153(A)—statements aimed at creating enmity related to communal, racial, linguistic, ethnic and descent;
  • 153(B)—statements against sovereignty;
  • 295(A)—statements aimed at hurting religious feelings;
  • 505(2)—statements creating or promoting enmity, hatred or ill-will between classes; and
  • Section 125 of the Representation of the People Act—promoting enmity between classes in connection with elections.

BJP has given tickets to most number of candidates with “hate-speech” cases

As many as 399 candidates with “hate-speech” cases have been fielded by political parties in various parliamentary and state assembly elections over the last 12 years. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leads the list with 97 candidates.

candidates with hate speech cases

How political parties violate their oath given to ECI at the time of registration

Each political party, at the time of registration, has to provide a self-sworn oath to the EC, declaring that the party will adhere to the principles of “socialism, secularism and democracy”.

A party must provide a copy of memorandum of rules, which should contain a specific provision—drawn from Representation of the People Act, 1951—that says “….and such memorandum or rules and regulations shall contain a specific provision that the association or body shall bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of India as by law established, and to the principles of socialism, secularism and democracy, and would uphold the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India.”

By giving tickets to candidates with “hate-speech” cases, political parties in a way violate their self-sworn oath to the EC.

An explanation of hate-speech laws

    • Section 153(A) of the Indian Penal Code: Promoting enmity between different groups on ground of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc., and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony.
    • Section 153(B) of the Indian Penal Code: Imputations, assertions prejudicial to national integration.–(1) Whoever, by words either spoken or written or by signs or by visible representations or otherwise,-
    • Section 295(A) of the Indian Penal Code: Deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs.–Whoever, with deliberate and malicious intention of outraging the religious feelings of any class of 6*[citizens of India], 7*[by words, either spoken or written, or by signs or by visible representations or otherwise] insults or attempts to insult the religion or the religious beliefs of that class, shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to 8*[three years], or with fine, or with both.]
    • Section 505(2) of the Indian Penal Code: 2*[(2) Statements creating or promoting enmity, hatred or illwill between classes.–Whoever makes, publishes or circulates any statement or report containing rumour or alarming news with intent to create or promote, or which is likely to create or promote, on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, caste or community or any other ground whatsoever, feelings of enmity, hatred or ill-will between different religious, racial, language or regional groups or castes or communities, shall be punished with imprisonment which may extend to three years, or with fine, or with both.
    • Section 125 of the Representation of the People Act, 1951: Promoting enmity between classes in connection with election Any person who in connection with an election under this Act promotes or attempts to promote on grounds of religion, race, caste, community or language, feelings of enmity or hatred, between different classes of the citizens of India shall be punishable, with imprisonment for a term which may extend to three years, or with fine, or with both.

(Manoj K is a graduate of the Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi, and the founder of the Centre for Governance and Development. He has a special interest in transparency and accountability in governance and has spearheaded several projects on these subjects.)

Republished from IndiaSpend.org, a data-driven, public-interest journalism non-profit.

For Agents Who Are Caught, There’s No Clarity about Protection They Are Entitled to at Home

The cabinet secretariat will not disclose any information about the legal protection the government of India is committed to provide to its intelligence operatives who happen to fall victim to adverse action by foreign governments

The cabinet secretariat will not disclose any information about the legal protection the government of India is committed to provide to its intelligence operatives who happen to fall victim to adverse action by foreign governments

Image: Lance Page / t r u t h o u t; Adapted: Andrew Spratley, Conrad Kuiper, Nathan Barry

Image: Lance Page / t r u t h o u t; Adapted: Andrew Spratley, Conrad Kuiper, Nathan Barry

The print and electronic media have extensively reported the recent apprehension of a person of Indian origin by Pakistan’s law enforcement agencies. Pakistan is said to have summoned India’s envoy to that country and issued a démarche about the alleged “interference by India in its internal affairs in Balochistan through its intelligence operative belonging to the Research & Analysis Wing” (RAW) of the cabinet secretariat. The official spokesperson for the Ministry of External Affairs has vehemently denied that charge while confirming that the apprehended individual is indeed a retired Indian Navy officer and has sought consular access to him. As no other details are officially available from the Indian government, it is not possible to state anything more about this incident given its security implications. Saying anything else will only amount to indulging in speculation that may have harmful effects in several quarters.

However, what should be of interest to the citizens in India is the complete lack of access to information about the measures that the government of India has put in place to ensure the security of its intelligence operatives if and when they are arrested or harassed in any other manner by foreign law enforcement agencies abroad.

There is no information in the public domain about what must be done, if, heavens forbid, if an Indian intelligence operative were to be murdered abroad. This is a concern that is very much valid even though it must not be taken as a comment on the latest incident of the apprehension of an Indian national in Pakistan.

In January 2016, I filed a formal information request application with the cabinet secretariat seeking the following information under the Right to Information Act, 2005 (RTI Act)

  • All laws, rules and regulations that explain the nature and the extent of legal protection that the Government of India is committed to provide to officers and employees of the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) who are engaged in overseas intelligence operations; 
  • All procedures, norms, instructions or guidelines by whatever name called, that contain details of the action that must be taken by the Government of India to defend the officers and employees of RAW who are engaged in overseas intelligence operations when law enforcement agencies in those countries take any adverse action against them; and
  • All procedures, norms, instructions or guidelines by whatever name called, that contain details of the action that must be taken by the Government of India upon receipt of information about the death of any officer or employee of RAW who was engaged in overseas intelligence operations, due to any adverse action taken against him/her by any agency in a foreign country.

In my RTI application, I clarified that details of the manner in which officers of RAW involved in overseas intelligence operations are trained to protect themselves against legal or illegal action by law enforcement agencies in foreign countries were not required. The purpose of including this clarification was to reassure the cabinet secretariat that I was not seeking information that would expose the training and other measures that India’s RAW officers and other intelligence operatives are instructed to undertake to protect themselves as such disclosure would most likely endanger them and not be in the public interest at this stage.

A week later, the cabinet secretariat transferred the RTI application to the central public information officer (CPIO) and under secretary of the secretariat under Section 6(3) of the RTI Act. Two weeks later, the CPIO rejected the RTI application stating that all the information sought pertained to “the organisation mentioned at serial no. 2 of the 2nd Schedule to the RTI Act” which is exempt from the purview of the RTI Act under Section 24 subject to other conditions stipulated in that section. [The conditions, essentially are that information pertaining to human rights violations shall not be excluded]. Interestingly, the CPIO does not even mention the name- RAW in his reply. So high is the level of secrecy.

Problematic reply

The final reply from the CPIO is in tune with past attempts which frustrate all efforts to secure basic transparency in the working of exempt organisations.

Although the RTI application was never addressed to RAW but to the cabinet secretariat, the first CPO transferred it to EA-II section thereby facilitating its rejection under Section 24 of the RTI Act read with the 2nd Schedule. The refusal to part with the information amounts to stating that while cabinet secretariat Sec/RAW wants Indian citizens to work for them to gather and analyse intelligence for maintaining the external security of the country, they will not tell the people what mechanisms exist for ensuring their safety and security.

One presumes that such information may at least be shared with those very intelligence operatives before they are deployed on official duty. But this attitude is similar to another RTI reply that I received in 2014 from the  Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF). The CRPF’s CPIO replied that the actions of left wing militants in blowing up a CRPF convoy resulting in the deaths of CRPF personnel in Bihar and Chhattisgarh during election duty did not amount to human rights violation of the deceased. I sincerely hope the same attitude is not adopted by the intelligence agencies in relation to their operatives who are posted abroad. The citizens of India have the right to know what measures the government is required to undertake by law to ensure the safe return of its external intelligence operatives even though they may not have been involved in the latest case as clarified by the Government.

The killing of CRPF jawans by Maoists is not a human rights issue, the government said in turning down an RTI inquiry on service conditions.

The killing of CRPF jawans by Maoists is not a human rights issue, the government said in turning down an RTI inquiry on service conditions.

RAW is also not transparent about the manner in which it deals with RTI applications year after year. The Central Information Commission’s annual report for 2014-15 lists only one instance of rejection of an RTI application under Section 24 for the entire year. It is highly unlikely that RAW received only one RTI application during this period. The Intelligence Bureau (IB) which is listed at serial no. 1 on the 2nd Schedule of the RTI Act, received more than a thousand RTI applications in 2014-15. Of these, 95.5% requests were rejected by invoking Section 24 of the RTI Act. The IB is reputed to be India’s premier internal intelligence agency. When compared with IB, the cabinet secretariat’s figures do not seem very convincing. Interestingly, unlike the IB which is registered with the Central Information Commission as a separate public authority, RAW is not even mentioned as a separate public authority under the cabinet secretariat in any of the CIC’s annual reports since 2005. Nevertheless, those parts of the cabinet secretariat which are fully covered by the RTI Act treat RAW as a separate public authority for the purpose of transferring RTI applications under Section 6(3), as happened in my case. This is a major contradiction in their implementation of the RTI Act.

Two judgements of high courts make it very clear that the reply of the CPIO are not in order. In the matter of High Court of Judicature of Rajasthan at Jaipur Bench suo motu vs State of Rajasthan (2015),  a division bench of the Rajasthan high court held as follows:

6. It is evident from the perusal of the reply and submissions of the learned Advocate General that all the Rules framed by the State of Rajasthan under Article 309 of Constitution of India have not been uploaded on the website of the Government and public authorities. If the rules, regulations and instructions issued by Government and public authorities are not made available to the public at large, it would defeat the purpose of the enactment of the Right to Information Act which is meant to bring transparency in the functioning of the Government and public authorities.

In another case relating to the matter of Superintendent of Police vs M. Kannappan (2012), a single judge bench of the the Madras high court directed the directorate of vigilance and anti-corruption to publicly disclose its vigilance manual even though it was exempted under Section 24 of the RTI Act by the Tamil Nadu government. The court observed as follows:

9. In view of the judgment of the Division Bench read with the provisos to Section 24(4) of the RTI Act, I am of the view that the first respondent herein is entitled to have the manual of the DVAC. The manual cannot be kept as a secret document. It is nothing but a set of rules as to how the DVAC is functioning. I am not able to understand as to why the DVAC feels shy to furnish the manual. In fact, the information that were the subject matter before the Division Bench” [The Superintendent of Police vs R. Karthikeyan, W. A. No. 320 of 2010, judgement dated 06/04/2011] “were concerned with the corruption and the consequent action taken by the DVAC and those details were directed to be furnished. Hence, the DVAC cannot refuse to furnish the manual maintained by it.

The judgments mentioned above make it abundantly clear that laws, rules and regulations cannot be kept secret by the government even if they pertain to security and intelligence agencies exempted under the RTI Act.

Keeping information about laws, rules and regulations applicable to state agencies secret is nothing but a violation of the concept of the ‘rule of law’ enshrined in the constitution. Laws kept in secret cannot be enforced either, because courts always go by the understanding that ignorance of the law is no excuse for violating it. People must have access to laws, rules and regulations that are implemented by governments. This is the only way they will be able to debate in an informed manner whether the steps taken by the government are adequate or not and as required by the law to ensure the safe return of its intelligence operatives as and when they are apprehended by law enforcement agencies abroad in future.

The slogan “sabka saath sabka vikaas” which the present government used in its election campaign very effectively, must include Indian citizens who gather intelligence abroad for ensuring the country’s safety and security. The Central government has a duty to publicise all laws, rules and regulations that have been put in place for ensuring the safety and security of the country’s intelligence personnel.

Venkatesh Nayak is Programme Coordinator of Access to Information Programme at the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, New Delhi.

Does Food as Medicine Work?

We know that our diet has a huge influence on our health, but is it possible to use food as medicine for a specific disease? Emma Young, who has type 2 diabetes, is sceptical but intrigued.

We know that our diet has a huge influence on our health, but is it possible to use food as medicine for a specific disease? Emma Young, who has type 2 diabetes, is sceptical but intrigued.

© Michael Driver

© Michael Driver

“What if you could cure all your health problems and lose 10 pounds in just 7 days? That’s an amazing claim, hard to believe for sure, but I have seen this miracle so many times in my practice that even I am starting to believe it!”

Straight away, the words of Dr Mark Hyman, sometime physician to Bill Clinton, talk-show regular and bestselling author, set off alarm bells. He’s promoting an “anti-inflammatory”, “detox” diet. Well, for two decades, I’ve been in the business of writing careful, evidence-based, often hype-busting stories about methods of improving health and treating disease, and I can’t help assuming this will be like every other fad diet destined to crumble in the face of scientific evidence. What if you could cure all your health problems in just 7 days? Yeah, that certainly sounds like a miracle. And I don’t believe in miracles. But the fact is, I could do with one.

Three years ago, I found out I was in the early stages of a chronic, incurable disease. I have followed what advice my specialist could give me, but my test results have only worsened. Without any evidence-based options remaining, I can only sit back and wait until I become reliant first on a daily pill and then on an injectable drug, while my risks of developing a host of other diseases, including various cancers, soar.

Or… I could step outside the world of mainstream medicine.

I’ve been a science and health journalist for a long time. I’m not about to abandon a belief in the importance of randomised controlled trials for separating medicine from quackery. There’s no chance I’ll take up homeopathy or purchase a ‘healing crystal’. But I am seriously considering an approach that, as far as I can tell, has a growing body of evidence behind it.

It involves thinking of food as medicine, and designing a diet that is not just healthy but can actively treat certain forms of illness. I know there are diets that can help with specific diseases, like epilepsy. So what about mine?

© Michael Driver

© Michael Driver

My problem is type 2 diabetes. It is a metabolic disorder in which the body cannot use insulin properly, which means my blood sugar levels can run outside the normal, healthy range. The standard approaches that help a lot of people, at least in the early stages – losing weight, in particular – haven’t helped me. Over the past few decades, though, research has suggested that inflammation plays an important role in type 2 diabetes. It’s also apparent that what we eat can influence levels of inflammation in our bodies.

So, as the rain pelts the windows of the study in my attic in Sheffield, I allow myself a small ray of hope and begin to wonder: Should I try Hyman’s “anti-inflammatory” diet? What would it involve? What kind of a result might I, or indeed any of the millions of people with type 2 diabetes or other diseases related to chronic inflammation, expect? To find out, I decide to visit Hyman’s team of doctors and nutritionists at the UltraWellness Center, Massachusetts, USA. Frankly, the cynic in me cringes just at the name. But my aim over the next few weeks is to set my cynicism, though not my scepticism, to one side.

Perhaps I will find a cure for my diabetes. Perhaps I’ll join the ranks of “miracle” patients. I know it is a desperate hope, tantalising in spite of all my instinctive and professional reservations. So before I go, I have to make sure that manipulating my diet to treat the inflammation that probably underlies my diabetes makes scientific sense.

§

Cut your finger or catch the flu, and inflammation is your friend. It’s your immune system’s response to infection or injury as it battles any invaders and starts the business of bodily repair.

As with many battles, there’ll be deaths from friendly fire. Some of the chemicals produced by our immune cells are highly toxic and indiscriminate. “They’re meant to destroy things,” points out Philip Calder, professor of nutritional immunology at the University of Southampton. If bacteria are present, they’ll kill bacteria. But they can also take out innocent, healthy cells, too. In the short term, this isn’t a problem: the losses will be worth it. And, when the job is done, like all good systems in our body, inflammation turns itself off. Except when it doesn’t.

In some people, inflammation starts up and doesn’t stop. That may be because the trigger (a virus, say) never goes away. Or because their immune systems have become confused about what a dangerous trigger actually looks like. Or because their bodies have lost the ability to turn it off.

With chronic ‘high-grade’ inflammation, the immune response is permanently ramped up. People with autoimmune diseases, in which the body’s own tissues are mistakenly attacked, fall into this category. “In these cases, you have huge numbers of inflammatory cells at the site, producing huge amounts of chemicals that cause obvious pathological damage to that individual,” explains Calder. “So in rheumatoid arthritis, they destroy the joints. In inflammatory bowel disease, they destroy the gut.” In type 1 diabetes, they destroy beta cells in the pancreas – the cells that produce insulin.

Then there’s chronic ‘low-grade’ inflammation. The cells and chemicals are the same, but the levels aren’t high enough that they’re wrecking healthy tissue. At least, not in the short term. But people with chronic low-grade inflammation are more likely to develop all kinds of diseases associated with ageing, including Alzheimer’s disease, various cancers – and type 2 diabetes. “It seems to be a very common feature of many conditions,” says Calder.

© Michael Driver

© Michael Driver

There’s plenty of evidence now that we are more likely to suffer from chronic low-grade inflammation as we get older. It’s also linked to lack of physical exercise, and to eating a diet high in sugar and low in fruits and vegetables. We can’t do much about ageing, but we can be more active and we can change our diets. Certain nutrients can, at least in theory, reduce inflammation. Calder’s research focuses on the potential of omega-3 fatty acids, the sort found in salmon, for example. There are various ways that omega-3s may curb inflammation, he says. One is that they can enter cell membranes, where they replace an acid that would otherwise stoke inflammation.

So it seems the food we choose to eat really can change the level of inflammation in our bodies. This is good news as I prepare to head off to the USA. But before going to the UltraWellness Center itself, I want to get a better idea of the role inflammation plays in type 2 diabetes to confirm that a change in diet might help me.

§

Gökhan Hotamisligil, professor of genetics and metabolism at the Harvard School of Public Health in Boston, is shaking his head. “If you look at the patient numbers, they continue to grow. The disease is really exploding to a level that the cost to humanity is dramatic.”

He’s talking about type 2 diabetes, a disease he has studied for decades, including the roles of obesity and inflammation. Hotamisligil’s team was the first to show that the accumulation of excess fat stimulates an inflammatory response, and that if you block this response you can improve the action of insulin. Since then, he says, 30,000 papers in this field have been published, with one basic finding noted over and over again: “As you develop obesity, there is arousal of an immune response.”

At least, this happens in most people. About one-quarter to one-third of people who are obese are metabolically healthy: they don’t have chronic inflammation and they don’t have diabetes either. Exactly why they don’t is debated, but it does provide another line of evidence linking inflammation to type 2 diabetes.

Yet more evidence comes from people with autoimmune disease. Someone with an autoimmune disease like rheumatoid arthritis or psoriasis has six times the risk of developing type 2 diabetes. And something interesting has emerged from trials of anti-inflammatory drugs in these people. “Those who receive anti-inflammatories have a very significant reduction in lifetime diabetes risk,” says Hotamisligil.

He and others are even finding hints that type 2 might have an autoimmune component itself. “We don’t know for sure,” he says, “but there is more and more very exciting evidence emerging.” This includes the discovery, in obese people with insulin resistance, of antibodies against various proteins present on pancreatic beta cells. It’s possible that in some cases of type 2 diabetes, inflammation may be slowly degrading the insulin-producing cells (instead of destroying them outright, as in type 1).

For people whose diabetes is fat-related – and whose beta cells are still pretty healthy – weight loss is an obvious strategy, though often easier said than done. Alternatively, some anti-inflammatory drugs are being trialled in people with type 2 diabetes (as well as other diseases linked to inflammation, such as Alzheimer’s). Salsalate, which is related to aspirin, has shown some promise. But if anti-inflammatory drugs are worth trying, what about an anti-inflammatory diet?

“There are some fatty acids that are extremely beneficial,” says Hotamisligil. In fact, he goes on, there are certain fatty acids that, if they could be better characterised and understood, might possibly be incorporated into foods to address inflammation. He thinks the concept of altering foods at the molecular level, with the aim of enhancing the health of the consumer, has a lot of promise: “I am super excited about that, and that is really the next frontier against this multitude of chronic diseases.”

That’s not quite what I had in mind, though, so I ask if he takes any dietary supplements to reduce inflammation himself. He smiles. “If I was convinced there was such a thing, I would take it, because this is what happens as you age… Uniformly, chronic inflammation accompanies all age-related problems.”

But?

“I don’t take anything. I think the evidence has to be developed to a much higher level.”

I’ve heard the so-called Mediterranean diet may be the way to go, I say. Now he nods: “Yes, without a doubt. That’s the diet I follow.”

As I leave his office, I reflect on everything he’s told me – including in relation to my own case.

I’m not overweight or physically inactive or old. I developed gestational diabetes, the kind that comes on with pregnancy, with my second child. After giving birth, my blood sugar levels returned to normal. Gradually, though, they began to worsen again. Four years on, according to one of three measures routinely used to evaluate blood sugar control, I have crossed the diagnostic cut-off point that separates pre-diabetes from full-blown type 2 diabetes.

I know there’s a subset of people who look lean but have a lot of fat around their internal organs. This can be detected in blood tests looking at fatty acid levels. I’ve had my blood fats analysed and I don’t belong to this group. “So probably you have a problem with your beta cells,” Hotamisligil tells me.

If I have a problem with my beta cells, surely inflammation is the culprit. And if my beta cells are being degraded, rather than destroyed, perhaps I can do more about it through my diet. Hotamisligil and Calder both mentioned essential fatty acids. I know from Hyman’s blog posts that he thinks omega-3s are useful, too. But surely I’ll need more than this to make a big difference.

What if you could cure all your health problems in just 7 days?

What if, indeed…?

§

A nor-easter has been lashing the windows of my room all night. In the morning, the winds have lessened, but the rain falls relentlessly on the apparently deserted town of Lenox, Massachusetts. As far as I can tell, I’m the only guest staying at my B&B. As I walk through the town, past the closed cafes and the darkened home decor shops, it’s hard not to feel like I’m on the set of a zombie apocalypse movie. Later, I discover Lenox is a summer and ski-season town. It’s where the wealthy from New York and Boston come for a break in their second homes, among the pines. It’s also where the wealthy from New York and Boston, and Jamaica and Lebanon – all over the world, in fact – come to seek help at the UltraWellness Center.

From the outside, it doesn’t look like much. It’s in a small plaza of shops and specialist medical consulting rooms, just off the highway. The second line of the sign on the white single-storey building reads, “YOUR KEY TO LIFELONG HEALTH AND VITALITY”. As I head over to the entrance, the rain stops. The oppressive clouds ease. There’s a hint of sunshine.

© Michael Driver

© Michael Driver

I walk in to a smart-hotel-spa-type atmosphere. There are green leather chairs, and a white orchid on a coffee table. Mural-sized prints of sunny forest glades occupy the walls. Soft music is playing. Tammy Boyd, the head of HR, arrives to show me around. She takes me into Mark Hyman’s office. On a bookcase is a framed print of him with Hillary Clinton, on which she has written: “To my dear friend Mark, with admiration for your dedication to improving our healthcare system and giving health and wellness to many.”

I’m not going to meet Hyman, though – he’s out of town. After leaving his office again, Boyd points out an outdoor area with a patch covered in protective transparent sheeting. “We have a garden, so staff can have fresh salad on our lunch,” she tells me. She goes on to talk about the focus here on health as we enter the kitchen, where she swipes what looks suspiciously like a family-size pack of crisps from the counter and hides it in a cupboard. “We can do nutrition demos here,” she explains, not missing a beat. “We might open it up to the public, and show them how to make a smoothie or a soup.”

We arrive at the office of Dr Elizabeth Boham, the medical director, and I ask her about the kinds of patient the Center typically sees. Hyman describes himself as a “whole-list doctor”, because the people who come to see him have a whole list of problems. Yes, says Boham, people come in with a variety of symptoms. Some are struggling with the side-effects of medications they’re on. Or, the side-effects of what they’re being offered are scary. “And they say, ‘Do I have to do that? Can I do it a different way?’”

The Center practises what’s called functional medicine. Look it up online and you’ll find it described as everything from pseudoscience to The Answer. Boham, who trained first as a nutritionist and then as a medical doctor, describes the guiding principle: instead of treating the various symptoms of people with chronic disease, you look hard for the underlying cause of those symptoms, and, if possible, remove that cause. I can’t see too many people arguing with that. It’s the next bit that’s more controversial because here, the cause is usually identified as an environmental trigger – a food allergy or sensitivity, an underlying infection or nutritional deficiency, or a toxin.

In practice, then, Boham starts by gathering information about a new patient’s lifestyle – patterns of sleep and relaxation, exercise, relationships, nutrition and so on. She’ll also investigate other potential contributors to their symptoms. Did the problems start after a course of antibiotics, which might disturb the balance of bacteria in the gut? Has there been a triggering event like menopause or pregnancy? Are there genetic factors that need to be taken into account?

She spends an hour and a half talking to a patient during their first meeting, she explains. After that, they’re examined, then given whatever blood tests she recommends and they can afford, because not all are covered by insurance. The blood tests may probe food sensitivities, hormone levels, inflammatory markers, levels of certain nutrients, or signs of problems with mitochondria, the energy-producing powerhouses of our cells. Everyone who comes in also sees a nutritionist. Depending on the problem, the nutritionist may recommend a diet low on the glycaemic index, or eliminating nutrients that the doctor believes could be causing inflammation.

A detailed, 90-minute consultation, with a doctor determined to look hard for causes and solutions… I contrast that with my specialist back home. She noted that my diabetes began with pregnancy. She noted a family history of diabetes. Her conclusion? I was unlucky with my genes. There was nothing specific she could advise, beyond exercising and controlling my intake of carbohydrates. Inflammation wasn’t even mentioned.

So what would the UltraWellness Center have done differently? To start with, they’d have used the trigger of pregnancy as a crucial clue, because the immune system is suppressed during pregnancy and afterwards rebounds. So they’d focus on addressing inflammation. And that means a change in diet.

The standard diabetic diet is pretty healthy, I think – no cake, no burgers or chips, no fruit juice, no bread unless it’s super-seeded – but it isn’t explicitly anti-inflammatory. Now, though, I am going to learn the secrets of the diet that can “cure all your health problems… in just 7 days”.

§

eat4

Maggie Ward, the nutrition director at the UltraWellness Center, explains that the ‘7-day’ diet is a catch-all, eliminating nutrients they believe are common causes of inflammation: caffeine, alcohol, simple sugars, gluten and trans fats, for example. (For patients who have had detailed blood tests, the team will narrow in on more specific nutrients.) But I don’t think a nutrient is causing the inflammation behind my diabetes, so what should I eat to bring it down? “I’d ensure there is sufficient good-quality protein, and then really bring up the good fats,” she says.

I want more detail, and mention omega-3s. “Yes. A lot of the focus now is on omega-3 oils – getting good-quality fish, nuts and seeds into the diet. From a dietary perspective, that’s how we would bring down inflammation.”

I ask Ward if she recommends omega-3 supplements. For some patients, she says, to start with, she might. But she thinks dietary sources are best: “I really try to encourage most people to get their fats from fish if they can eat it, and from raw nuts and seeds.”

She recommends olive oil as well. It contains a non-steroidal anti-inflammatory compound called oleocanthal, which I later discover works in the same way as ibuprofen. At least some of the pro-health effects of the Mediterranean diet – noted in many epidemiological studies – may be due to this compound.

Anything else? Macadamia nuts and avocados contain oils that have anti-inflammatory effects, she says. And if you consume them in their raw form, rather than as extracts, you get the phytonutrients – plant chemicals that researchers have found can reduce various markers of inflammation.

She also recommends “a good probiotic”. I’ve seen plenty of evidence that the microbes in your gut influence levels of inflammation throughout your body, though exactly what constitutes a good probiotic and exactly what difference it can make in terms of health is debated. An alternative is to consume plenty of fibre, which ‘good bacteria’ thrive on.

And… that’s pretty much it.

I was ready for Ward to recommend all kinds of supplements, and I was ready to challenge her. But she hasn’t. What she does advise seems reasonable and not at all out of line with mainstream thinking.

So how does Ward account for some of the recovery stories they report at the Center, which sound too good to be true? (To be fair, Hyman does stress that it may take a lot longer than a week for people with more serious problems to respond.) If these stories, certainly better than many mainstream doctors would expect from such a change in diet, are true, is there something else going on?

There are many conditions for which a placebo treatment has been reported to work (irritable bowel syndrome is one example). When used in conjunction with human interaction – a caring doctor who takes the time to listen and identify a solution, a nutritionist who’s warm, respectful and concerned – to what extent might that effect be amplified? Could this account for some of the “miracle” recoveries?

I’m expecting Ward to be offended. But she nods: “You mean, do their belief systems play a role? Oh, absolutely. The more I do this, I realise it’s half of medicine. How you present the information and how you support them, and how you are with them, makes the biggest difference. That’s why you see so many trials where a placebo is just as effective as a medication.”

So she actively embraces it?

“You don’t want to give false hope and you do want to be objective and clear with people that there’s only so much we can guarantee. But I really reinforce that the body can heal. And I do that around food. I tell patients: take a moment, pause and look at your food as medicine – and that’s very powerful.”

§

I walk away from the UltraWellness Center with a lot to think about.

After all my conversations and background research, I decide to go to my GP for an inflammation test. If it shows my levels are elevated, it will support my theory that inflammation is driving my particular case of type 2 diabetes, and I can introduce some of the dietary changes I’ve heard about.

But I find myself thinking, too, about what Ward said about belief systems. She told me about a woman with multiple sclerosis. The patient’s psychiatrist had told her that she was only going to get worse. Ward accepted that this is no doubt what the psychiatrist believed, but the woman felt crushed. That bleak prognosis had taken away all her hope.

What if I take the inflammation test and it shows my levels are normal? Where would that leave me? Because I’m not sure what other tack I could take. Back home in Sheffield, trying to integrate everything I’ve learned, I decide to skip the inflammation test, start an anti-inflammatory diet anyway, and keep my hopes high.

As a science journalist, do I care if a treatment is working mostly because of a placebo effect? Yes, most certainly. But as a patient? Not so much. There is some evidence that placebos can work even if you know they’re placebos. So while I could never believe in something like a healing crystal or homeopathy, I will try to think of my food as medicine.

© Michael Driver

© Michael Driver

Of course, no matter how much I might want it to exist, there is no magic ingredient that can cure diabetes. So I’m not going to worry too much about individual foodstuffs, like turmeric or blueberries, that some studies have suggested may affect levels of anti-inflammatory markers. Instead, I am going to try to stick to a Mediterranean diet, and incorporate more oily fish and more olive oil, while still carefully regulating my carbs and continuing to eat wholegrains and as many (lower-sugar, in my case) fruits and vegetables as I can.

Philip Calder is among those whose work has confirmed the healthiness of the Mediterranean diet. In a detailed review, his team concluded that oily fish, fruit, vegetables and legumes, all used commonly in the diet, are key anti-inflammatory foods.

For many people, adopting the Mediterranean diet means lots of minor changes. “It may be that by changing a lot of things modestly you can have an effect which, in terms of a single nutrient, would require quite a big change,” says Calder. Taken together, cutting out foods that promote inflammation, like sugar and junk food, and consuming more foods that lower it, like oily fish, could have a profound effect.

Dan Winer, a scientist at the University of Toronto who studies the role of the immune system in type 2 diabetes, says he strongly believes that an anti-inflammatory diet with lots of fibre could have beneficial effects on glucose specifically: “Some foods rich in omega-3 fatty acids are anti-inflammatory and have been shown to have some glucose-regulating properties,” he explains. “Both probiotics and prebiotics (such as fibre) are thought to help reduce harmful inflammatory components leaking from the gut into the circulation.”

As well as changing my diet, I also start taking a mini-aspirin every day. I figure that for me, the potential extra benefits in reducing inflammation outweigh a low increased risk of internal bleeding.

Seven days later, there has been no miracle – my sugar levels still spike after a slice of cake. Still, I have come a long way. While my specialist could offer nothing helpful, I feel convinced that inflammation is the problem and that tackling it has to be the solution. I am going to stick with my new regimen. Perhaps a mini-aspirin and a Mediterranean diet won’t be enough to make a difference to my blood sugar control, but I can’t help hoping that the next time my diabetes is evaluated by my GP, my results will have improved, and that they’ll continue to get better.

And if I do improve, even if only a little, and even if it’s only because I believe I should…? Well, it won’t be a miracle, but I’ll take it.

This article first appeared on Mosaic and is republished here under a Creative Commons licence.

Japan’s New Astronomy Satellite Goes Silent

Some believe a minor gas leak or explosion on board the probe could’ve caused it to start rotating or tumbling, and turned its antenna away from Earth.

An artist's conception of Hitomi in space. Source: JAXA

An artist’s conception of Hitomi in space. Source: JAXA

Scientists operating Japan’s Hitomi astronomy satellite lost contact with it on March 26, five weeks after it was launched. The incident occurred as they were performing initial tests.

Hitomi, called ASTRO-H before its launch on February 17, contains a suite of instruments designed to study X-rays and gamma rays emitted by high-energy phenomena around the universe, such as blackholes and dark matter. It is considered a flagship mission by the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA), and was designed to function for three years.

The exact cause of the problem is not known although Japanese scientists have said they’re investigating. Some believe a minor gas leak or explosion on board the probe could’ve caused it to start rotating or tumbling, and turned its antenna away from Earth. Around the same time that JAXA reported the silence, the US Joint Space Operations Centre tweeted that it had observed five pieces of debris in the vicinity of Hitomi. It’s unclear if the two events are related.

Barring major damages, however, scientists have been able to recover satellites in the past. JAXA’s own Akatsuki, launched in May 2010, failed to fire an engine that would’ve got it into orbit around Venus in December that year. The probe was left orbiting the Sun for the next five years until, in December 2015, scientists managed to get it into an elliptical orbit around Venus.

India’s own astronomy satellite, ASTROSAT, was launched in September 2015 and has been online and glitch-free since mid-December. Like Hitomi, it is also geared to studying high-energy phenomena, especially in the X-ray and ultraviolet parts of the spectrum. It has been built to last five years.

Hardline Reactions by Governments Suit the Terrorists’ Purpose

Instead of emphasising on liberal values and protection of minorities, European leaders have tended to speak in terms of war and aggression

File photo of victims of bomb blasts at Brussels airport. Credit: PTI

File photo of victims of bomb blasts at Brussels airport. Credit: PTI

By striking random individuals in the heart of cities – or coastal resorts as we saw recently in Ivory Coast – terrorists seek not only to inspire fear in the minds of people but also to get their governments to react. Confronted with the necessity of responding to attacks, governments often develop an aggressive rhetoric and introduce policy changes that reinforce the process of othering and social polarization that organizations such as Daesh seek to encourage in Europe and on other continents.

Such rhetoric has certainly been on display over the recent attacks in Belgium – though not so much from Belgians themselves.

After the Brussels’ blasts, European leaders were quick to reiterate that Europe would fight Daesh until the bitter end, in contradiction with the EU’s reluctance to actually engage them on their own terrain, beyond France’s air strikes after the Paris bombings.

Expressions of solidarity

Initial reactions to terrorist attacks are usually healthy expressions of solidarity, national pride and even defiance against the blind brutality of blasts. In France, the January 2015 Charlie Hebdo attacks were followed by the largest demonstrations for peace, liberty and free speech the country has witnessed since the liberation of Paris in 1945.

In Belgium, beyond the mix of incredulity, sadness and anger that usually follows such acts of violence, reactions to the twin blasts of last Tuesday have had a similar although peculiar character, well in-tune with the tradition of humor and irreverence Belgians like to take pride in. Among the symbols used to counter fear were a pack of fries showing the middle finger, pictures of Tintin and Snowy crying, a Captain Haddock hurling a torrent of insults to terrorists, and the iconic Manneken Pis – symbol of Brussels – pissing on a Kalashnikov.

Beyond these images, a video gone viral portrays a goofy student explaining to his mother in a thick Brussels accent why he will attend class the next day and refuses to be scared. What if you meet a terrorist, his mother asks? “I’ll throw my books at their face” replies the student, adding that “a little bit of culture cannot harm them”.

These reactions are meant to show the attackers that people are not afraid and are not ready to compromise on the values they hold dear at gunpoint. But such reactions also contrast with governments’ warmongering postures, and with their disposition to make such compromises in the name of safety, notably through policy changes.

Reactions by governments have had so far three main side effects: the amplification of the threat, the denial of responsibility of European societies in nurturing this situation of conflict, and the stigmatization of their Muslim minorities.

Terrorist organizations want to be recognized as combatants and not as criminals, to be considered on an equal footing despite the asymmetric character of the conflict. Calls for war on terror have the effect of granting the enemy the status and impact that they seek in the first place.

Similarly, constantly warning citizens of the imminence of the next attack has the effect of perpetuating the fear that terrorists want to instigate. Political leaders could instead concentrate on detailing how European nations should protect civil rights and liberties, protect their minorities and not alter their laws because a bunch of criminal loonies want European societies to rip themselves apart.

Revising the French constitution

Speaking of amending laws, France perhaps had the most puzzling reaction to attacks against its citizens. 48 hours after the deadly Paris attacks last November, President Hollande announced that in the midst of the shock and uncertainty about what had just happened that the need of the hour was to revise the Constitution, by incorporating existing Emergency provisions and by introducing a new amendment on the revocation of nationality for French holding dual citizenship convicted for terrorism.

Beyond the utter uselessness of the latter provision in deterring acts of terrorism, the French government’s decision sent out the message that those committing acts of terrorism could not possibly be members of the national community, thus absolving the very same community from the responsibility of having produced these terrorists in the first place.

This measure also de facto creates a different category of citizens, equated in popular imagination and by Europe’s rising far right with its large Muslim minority (most of whom incidentally hold only one European passport).

France’s government insists that the measure of revocation of citizenship is a symbol, that people taking up arms against their own country do not deserve to remain members of that community. But this amounts to exporting the problem to others. Former Minister of Justice Christiane Taubira, who resigned from the cabinet last January on this issue, declared that a country ought to be able to deal with its nationals, that it should not dump them into some landfill territory while sending the message to all dual citizenship holders that they are lesser citizens.

There are whole segments of European leaders and commentators who cannot come to terms with the fact that Daesh is fighting Europe with European nationals. The Al-Bakraoui brothers who exploded themselves in Brussels were Belgians. Salah Abdeslam, one of the perpetrators of the November 13 Paris attacks is a French citizen, who grew up in Belgium. The perpetrators of the Charlie Hebdo attacks, the Kouachi brothers and Amedy Coulibaly, were French citizens. Not all of them even went to Syria or were trained abroad. They were recruited locally, in disaffected suburbs or neighborhoods where they lived as petty criminals, marginal figures within even their own communities. This isn’t to say that the very real failures of integration and the process of urban ghettoization in Europe have created these European terrorists, but they have certainly created the pools propitious for their recruitment by Daesh’s agents.

Responses to terrorist attacks in Europe have focused on the modalities of actions of terrorist organizations and not on the purpose that lies behind them. The ultimate aim of Daesh is to make the demonstration that Muslims and non-Muslims cannot and should not live together. That is why they have been exterminating every minority community in Iraq and Syria – the Yazidis and the Syriac Christians among others – and have been fighting every Muslim who does not abide by their version of Islamic faith in the territories that they control. That is also why they have been waging attacks outside their territory, not with the purpose of conquest – their attacks, however deadly, represent no immediate threats to state structures and societies in Europe – but with the aim to alienate European populations from their minorities and to make Muslims objects of suspicion and fear.

It is worth remembering that a significant part of victims of terrorism in Europe are Muslims – to say nothing about attacks outside Europe where they are the majority. Imad Ibn-Ziaten, a French paratrooper, was killed by Mohammed Merah in Toulouse in 2012; Ahmed Merabet, a police officer guarding the Charlie Hebdo office was killed by the Kouachi brothers; So was Mustapha Ourrad, copy editor at the same Charlie Hebdo. There are many other examples.

We need to fight clichés and prejudices, acknowledge that Muslims are both direct and collateral victims of this violence, that the vast majority of Muslims in Europe are part of this space of confluence defined by diversity and by its intent to accommodate differences. The very idea of a Muslim community in Europe is a myth, given its heterogeneity, a myth propagated by the right and other identity-obsessed xenophobic forces.

The cohesion of European societies depends on their capacity to embrace diversity and the challenges that come with it, instead of cowering down within national boundaries, a common ancestry or a common religion. Above all, we must dissociate religion from the criminals who abuse its name.

Facts are helpful. French scholar Olivier Roy underlines that there are far more Muslims working in the French police, as firefighters or as first aid attendants than individuals recruited by terrorist organizations. Why not start from there rather than falling into the Daesh’s trap every time they strike?

Reactions in the street show that many Belgians are ready to make that effort, even if ordinary racism is on the rise and the rift with those rejecting diversity wider.

Be it in Brussels, Paris, Ankara, Abidjan or Ouagadougou, the assassins who indiscriminately strike people follow the same aim: to have people and governments react irrationally, to bring them to build instead of them the society based on fear and hatred they fundamentally aspire to. We should not hand it to them on a platter.

Gilles Verniers is Assistant Professor of Political Science, Ashoka University.