Supreme Court Wants Government to Clarify Rules on Memon’s Curative Plea

New Delhi:  Uncertainty continued on Monday over whether Yakub Memon, the sole 1993 Mumbai blasts convict on death row, will be hanged on July 30, with the Supreme Court asking Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi to clarify today the rules relating to curative petitions, the last judicial remedy in law.A division bench comprising Justices A.R. Dave and Kurian Joseph asked Mr. Rohatgi to present before the court the relevant rules and scope of curative petitions before it decides on Yakub’s plea seeking a stay on his execution.While Mr. Rohatgi was of the view that all judicial remedies available to Yakub got exhausted with dismissal of his curative petition on July 21, senior advocate Raju Ramachandran, appearing for him, claimed correct procedure was not adopted by the court in dealing with his curative plea.

 Mr Ramachandran argued that not only death warrant was issued during the pendency of the curative petition; Yakub was also not given an opportunity by the TADA court to explain whether he had exhausted all available legal remedies. He also deprecated the delay in informing Yakub about the date of his proposed execution which was conveyed to him on July 13.

“The TADA judge gives him 90 days notice for execution but the state government gives notice of only 17 days. The state government’s order is premature,” he said and added, “the challenge is to the issue of death warrant issued on April 30 which is completely arbitrary to the law laid down by this court.”

Yakub got support from Death Penalty Litigation Clinic, associated with the National Law University, Delhi, with its senior advocate T.R. Anndhyarujina also making similar arguments seeking stay of execution of the death warrant.

Justice Joseph appeared to share the views of Yakub’s counsel when he said perhaps due procedure was not followed.

He said the curative plea, after going to the four senior-most judges of the top court, should have also gone to the bench which last heard the matter confirming his death sentence in a review plea on April 9, 2015.

Mr Rohatgi, who said he was appearing for CBI, Maharashtra and the Centre, initially sought some time to respond to the Yakub’s petition, but realising that the bench was ready to hear it, contended that the convict had exhausted all legal remedies available and that his mercy pleas have also been rejected by the Maharashtra Governor and the President.

Musk, Wozniak, Chomsky and Hawking Sign Open Letter to Stop Killer Robots Before They’re Built

The open letter urges the UN to support a ban on offensive autonomous weapons systems

Science fiction abounds with warnings concerning offensive autonomous weapons, or ‘killer robots’. Credit: superde1uxe/Flickr, CC BY.

Science fiction abounds with warnings concerning offensive autonomous weapons, or ‘killer robots’. Credit: superde1uxe/Flickr, CC BY.

More than a thousand leading researchers in artificial intelligence (AI) and robotics signed and published an open letter calling for a ban on offensive autonomous weapons, also known colloquially as “killer robots”, on July 27.

The letter has also been signed by many technologists and experts, including SpaceX and Tesla CEO Elon Musk, physicist Stephen Hawking, Apple co-founder Steve Wozniak, Skype co-founder Jaan Talinn and linguist and activist Noam Chomsky.

Musk, Hawking and Wozniak have all recently warned about the dangers that AI poses to mankind. Though it has to be said, Wozniak thinks humans will be fine if robots take over the world; we’ll just become their pets.

The open letter urges the UN to support a ban on offensive autonomous weapons systems. This follows the April meeting of the Convention on Conventional Weapons held at the UN in Geneva discussing such an idea.

The letter argues that the deployment of such autonomous weapons is feasible within years, and will play a dangerous role in driving the next revolution in warfare.

In the interest of full disclosure, I too have signed this letter. My view is that almost every technology can be used for good or bad. And AI is no different. We therefore need to make a choice as to which path to follow.

Artificial intelligence is a technology that can be used to help tackle many of the pressing problems facing society today: inequality and poverty; the rising cost of health care; the impact of global warming, and many others. But it can also be used to inflict unnecessary harm. And now is the right time to get in place a ban before this next arms race begins.

The open letter – reprinted below – gives a good summary of the arguments for a ban. In short, there is likely to be an arms race in such technology that will revolutionise warfare for the worse.

What we can learn from history

As always, we can learn a lot from history. A recent example is the UN Protocol on Blinding Laser Weapons, which came into force in 1998. The International Committee of the Red Cross argued that the ban was an historic step for humanity, stating that:

It represents the first time since 1868, when the use of exploding bullets was banned, that a weapon of military interest has been banned before its use on the battlefield and before a stream of victims gave visible proof of its tragic effects.

Of course, the technology for blinding lasers still exists; medical lasers that correct eyesight are an example of the very same technology. But because of this ban, no arms manufacturer sells blinding lasers. And we don’t have any victims of blinding lasers to care for.

Similarly, a ban on offensive autonomous weapons is not going to prevent the technology for such weapons being developed. After all, it would take only a few lines of code to turn an autonomous car into an offensive weapon. But a ban would ensure enough stigma and consequences if breached that we are unlikely to see conventional military forces using them.

This won’t stop terrorist and other smaller groups who care little for UN protocols, but they will be constrained on two levels. First, they’ll have to develop the technology themselves. They won’t be able to go out and buy any such weapons. And second, conventional military forces can still use any defensive technologies they like to protect themselves.

Now is the time

With this open letter, we hope to bring awareness to a dire subject which, without a doubt, will have a vicious impact on the whole of mankind.

We can get it right at this early stage, or we can stand idly by and witness the birth of a new era of warfare. Frankly, that’s not something many scientists in this field want to see.

Our call to action is simple: ban offensive autonomous weapons, and in doing so, securing a safe future for us all.

A press conference releasing the open letter to the public will be held at the opening of the International Joint Conference on AI at 9pm AEST, July 28, 2015. To watch the streaming of the press conference on Periscope (live or for the next 24 hours), follow @TobyWalsh on Twitter for notification of the stream.


The following is the entire text of the open letter:

Autonomous weapons select and engage targets without human intervention. They might include, for example, armed quadcopters that can search for and eliminate people meeting certain pre-defined criteria, but do not include cruise missiles or remotely piloted drones for which humans make all targeting decisions. Artificial Intelligence (AI) technology has reached a point where the deployment of such systems is – practically if not legally – feasible within years, not decades, and the stakes are high: autonomous weapons have been described as the third revolution in warfare, after gunpowder and nuclear arms.

Many arguments have been made for and against autonomous weapons, for example that replacing human soldiers by machines is good by reducing casualties for the owner but bad by thereby lowering the threshold for going to battle. The key question for humanity today is whether to start a global AI arms race or to prevent it from starting. If any major military power pushes ahead with AI weapon development, a global arms race is virtually inevitable, and the endpoint of this technological trajectory is obvious: autonomous weapons will become the Kalashnikovs of tomorrow. Unlike nuclear weapons, they require no costly or hard-to-obtain raw materials, so they will become ubiquitous and cheap for all significant military powers to mass-produce. It will only be a matter of time until they appear on the black market and in the hands of terrorists, dictators wishing to better control their populace, warlords wishing to perpetrate ethnic cleansing, etc. Autonomous weapons are ideal for tasks such as assassinations, destabilizing nations, subduing populations and selectively killing a particular ethnic group. We therefore believe that a military AI arms race would not be beneficial for humanity. There are many ways in which AI can make battlefields safer for humans, especially civilians, without creating new tools for killing people.

Just as most chemists and biologists have no interest in building chemical or biological weapons, most AI researchers have no interest in building AI weapons — and do not want others to tarnish their field by doing so, potentially creating a major public backlash against AI that curtails its future societal benefits. Indeed, chemists and biologists have broadly supported international agreements that have successfully prohibited chemical and biological weapons, just as most physicists supported the treaties banning space-based nuclear weapons and blinding laser weapons.

In summary, we believe that AI has great potential to benefit humanity in many ways, and that the goal of the field should be to do so. Starting a military AI arms race is a bad idea, and should be prevented by a ban on offensive autonomous weapons beyond meaningful human control.

The Conversation

Toby Walsh is Professor, Research Group Leader, Optimisation Research Group at NICTA.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

This Urdu-Medium School Demolished During the Emergency Still Runs from Tin Sheds

For the last 39 years, a government-aided school in Old Delhi has been running from makeshift sheds after its premises were razed during the Emergency and never rebuilt

A plaque announcing Haroon Yusuf's work at the Eidgah. Quami Senior Secondary School. Credit: Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty.

A plaque announcing Haroon Yusuf’s work at the Eidgah. Credit: Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty.

New Delhi: Recently, a lot has been written to mark the 40th anniversary of that scar on Indian democracy – the Emergency. One of the more notorious actions taken by the Indira Gandhi government between 1975 and 1977 was the demolition and rebuilding drive by the Delhi Development Authority (DDA), mainly in the walled city area. And thanks to the recent spate of writings triggered by the anniversary, memories got refreshed in many about how some Muslim families were forced by that drive to leave the Turkman Gate area and resettle in Inderlok.

Not very far from Turkman Gate, in Sarai Khalil, a popular Urdu-medium government-aided school too faced the axe. The DDA zeroed in on the Qaumi Senior Secondary School – housed in the 23 rooms of a five-storey building near the Sadar Thana – as the spot where it wanted a set of Janta Flats to come up. Soon the day came when the school’s effects – its furniture, files, typewriters, bills, maps and the like – were cleared out of the building. Abdul Mallick Qureshi, a student of that school then, remembers seeing his “school things littered on the street” before the building came down in front of him on June 30, 1976.

“I remember seeing a woman in dark glasses and high wooden shoes directing the drive. Later, we learnt she was Rukshana Sultana. I also saw the then DDA Commissioner, B.R. Tamta standing in front of the Sadar Thana next door watching the drive. People of the area were in panic seeing so many policemen. I remember a man going through the crowd in a rickshaw announcing on behalf of the DDA that those whose children attend the school need not worry as it will be rebuilt on a piece of land in the vicinity within six months’ time,” recalls Qureshi.

After that demolition ended, the rains came. Qureshi says some school files were lost in the water. “There was a curfew-like situation; nobody came out to save the papers.  After a few days, the management of the nearby Shahi Eidgah offered to store the remaining effects of the school. Since the DDA said it will give it an alternate land, the Eidgah management also allowed the school to continue classes from its premises till then. People put up tarpaulin sheets in one corner of the Eidgah and chairs and benches were put under the tents for the school to restart,” he recalls.

Students seen in their makeshift classrooms at the Quami Senior Secondary School. Credit: Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty.

Students seen in their makeshift classrooms at the Qaumi Senior Secondary School. Credit: Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty.

Thirty-nine summers have passed since that Emergency day. Qureshi has long graduated from that school. Some ten years ago, he got associated with the school yet again, as its manager appointed by Qaumi Education Society, the Trust that has been running the institution since its inception in 1948. Years have passed but the promise made by the DDA in his school days is yet to be delivered.

So the school has remained in its makeshift arrangement, in the same corner of the Shahi Eidgah in Quresh Nagar. From tarpaulin sheets and the barest of pedagogical infrastructure, it now has tin sheds with ceiling fans, iron almirahs, water coolers and a water purifier donated by some well wishers in the area. With only one more Urdu medium school in the vicinity, demand for places has only grown. The present student strength is 750, and classes take place in two shifts. All the students are boys from nearby families that make a living as daily wage earners.

Local residents say it is shocking that nothing has been done to give the school proper premises despite the high demand for admission. How has the Delhi government allowed one of its aided educational institutions to run from tin sheds for so many years, they ask. In biting cold and in sweltering heat?

Here, you have to appreciate its 31-member staff for not giving up. Mohabbat Ali, a teacher in the school for the last 33 years and now its principal since 2002, proudly states, “We run like any other good government-aided school. While 95% of the funds come from the city government, the remaining 5%  has to be raised by the school. The classrooms may not have walls and doors but every attempt is made to maintain discipline and cleanliness. There is no compromise on the quality of education given to the students. We have a makeshift lab, also a library. We had a 97 pass percentage in the 12th standard last year.” He says teachers take personal interest in every child. “If a child doesn’t attend school for two days, they visit their families,” he adds.

The grounds of Quami Senior Secondary School. Credit: Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty.

The vacant plot of the Eidgah abattoir, which both Bakht and Qureshi say can be allotted to the Qaumi Senior Secondary School. Credit: Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty

The medals and awards won by the students are displayed in a glass showcase in Ali’s room. Due to lack of space, he says he has kept “some seals and medals in boxes.”

The tables and chairs are neatly lined in the sheds shaded by a bunch of neem trees. In front of each classroom, there is a waste bin. Potted plants have been lined along the classrooms. From the funds it raised, the mud floors of some classrooms have been concretised. At forenoon, the bell rings announcing the distribution of the mid-day meal to the students.

In one corner of the Eidgah, there is a plaque announcing that former Delhi Minister and the MLA of the area till recently, Haroon Yusuf, laid the stone slabs on the ground from his official funds to better facilitate the devout to offer namaz during the two Eids. Yusuf, however, left the corner that the school uses as it is. Is this a hint to the school that the Eidgah management is no more as accommodating as it once was?

Qureshi doesn’t comment on this but says, as the Society representative, that he has been knocking on the doors of local MPs and MLAs for a solution. “From Prime Ministers to ministers to local MPs and MLAs, we have seen many visiting us over the years. Governments of different parties came and went. We approached all of them. The promise to deliver typically happens during the election campaigns but nothing has happened so far,” he says.

The vacant plot of the Eidgah abattoir, which both Bakht and Qureshi say can be allotted to the Quami Senior Secondary School. Credit: Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty

The Eidgah entrance used by the students to go to the school. Credit: Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty

Firoz Bakht Ahmad of Friends of Education, who has been working for the cause since 1984, shows a pile of letters and petitions written to Prime Ministers and Presidents, Delhi Chief Ministers and Lieutenant Governors and to the Minority Commission pleading for allotment of land to the school. “We have submitted petitions to Arvind Kejriwal and Najeeb Jung too,” he adds. In 2001, Bakht says the DDA agreed to allot it a piece of land provided the Society pays Rs. 1.25 crores. “It refused the offer. How can a school which caters to poor children pay such an amount? So in 2003, DDA withdrew the offer,” he says.

“There have also been suggestions to merge the school with some other Urdu medium school in Old Delhi, or give it a piece of land in Dwarka, which the Society refused. How can these students go so far every day?” asks Qureshi.

Both Qureshi and Bakht say there is vacant land in the vicinity which can be allotted to the school. “The Eidgah abattoir which comprises about 7 acres of land has been moved to Ghazipur. The land is lying vacant. Two acres of DDA land around the Eidgah telephone exchange is also lying vacant. I have mentioned these options in my petition to Jung in 2013 itself,” says Ahmed.

This week, Ahmed will file a PIL at the Delhi High Court seeking redress. “When in 2003, the DDA withdrew its offer of land to the school for not being able to pay the asked sum, there was no Right to Education Act. Today there is. The onus is on the government today to ensure that the students of the school get a building of theirs,” he says.

Shillong Mourns the People’s President who Died There

A report from the North Eastern city where Dr Kalam was much liked and remembered

Rocketman, scientist, thinker and a man of the people (Photo: Tulane Public Relations)

Rocketman, scientist, thinker and a man of the people (Photo: Tulane Public Relations)

Shillong: On Monday evening, Dr APJ Abdul Kalam was trudging up the steps of one of the lecture rooms of IIM Shillong to deliver a lecture on his favourite topic: Creating a more liveable planet. An IIM professor who was on his way out crossed him at about 6.10 pm. “Dr Kalam was heaving and seemed to have difficulty climbing the stairs to the classroom where the senior batch of management students (2014-16) was waiting for him to deliver his lecture”, the professor told this writer.

Inside the class, at about 6.40 pm, the former President collapsed, causing a great deal of consternation among students who otherwise have always seen him hale and hearty. He was immediately shifted to Bethany Hospital, which is barely two kilometres away from IIM Shillong. Dr JL Sailo, the CMD of Bethany Hospital said his team of doctors found no pulse when Kalam was brought in at about 7 pm.

Nevertheless the cardiac specialists from the North Eastern Indira Gandhi Regional Institute of Health & Medical Sciences (NEIGHRIMS) and the Military Hospital were immediately called to try and resuscitate Kalam who was admitted to the ICU, but it was a vain effort. He had passed on.

IIM Shocked

A shocked IIM Shillong held a condolence meeting at 10.32 pm on Monday evening. For the students and faculty the loss is irreparable.

Social media was flooded with heartfelt condolences remembering the People’s President who will now forever be associated with Shillong.

“Henceforth people will not mistake Shillong for Ceylon. Thank You Sir APJ Abdul Kalam. You have redefined the Indian map and lived your best moments here.” – R Marwein

And now India will Google, “Where is Shillong?” #RIP Dr Kalam – Kynjaimon Amse

Nobody believes the President of India would visit an unknown remote village called Bunglon in Manipur and nobody believes a highly celebrated former President would pass away in remote Shillong. Such is the legacy of the People’s President, APJ Abdul Kalam. Unbelievable! – Roel Hangsing .

For us here, Kalam’s death exposed the shallowness of the so-called national media which despite its clout failed to make this their big breaking news. This writer had put up the details regarding Kalam on her Facebook page only to be told by some media persons in Guwahati that she should not spread rumours. The ‘national’ media were in a flap since none of them had a Shillong correspondent of their own and local media persons refused to speak to them without any official confirmation from government sources. Bethany Hospital is a private hospital and had to maintain some protocol.

But Shillong will no longer be mispronounced or misspelt. Thank You Dr APJ Abdul Kalam. May you continue to teach us through your wonderful books and memorable speeches.

The writer is Editor of Shillong Times

Former Indian President APJ Abdul Kalam is No More

New Delhi: Former President of India APJ Abdul Kalam died in Shillong on Monday. He was 83 years old. According to reports, Kalam, who was President from 2002 to 2007, collapsed during an interaction with students at the Indian Institute of Management in Shillong.

He was rushed to Bethany Hospital where doctors declared him dead on arrival.

Patricia Mukhim, Editor of Shillong Times, provided the following information on her Facebook page:

According to an IIM professor, every year Dr Kalam takes different classes with students. This time his topic [was] ” Making the world more liveable.” His [were] marathon sessions running into several hours. This IIM Prof passed Dr Kalam today and said he was huffing and puffing climbing up the stairs to the IIM classroom. Today was meant for presentation by students followed by discussions.

According to Professor Amitabha De, Director, IIM Shillong, Kalam was quite jovial when he entered the classroom. He asked his students, “Is my microphone ready? Is everything in place?” He was about to proceed with his lecture when he collapsed. Dr De believes the former President suffered a massive heart attack and died immediately.
According to Shillong Times, a statement by  Dr A.M Kharbamon, Medicine Consultant , Bethany Hospital said that Kalam was first brought to the emergency room and on arrival, he showed “no spontaneous respiration, no pulse, BP not recordable, pupils fixed and dilated.”

Kalam was shifted to the ICU immediately for further resuscitation after initial attempts failed. “All efforts were made, but Dr APJ Abdul Kalam could not be revived. He was declared dead at 7.45 pm”, the doctor said.

His body was draped in the tri-colour and brought out of the Hospital at around 10. 20 pm,. According to the Shillong Times,  the people who gathered in the hospital premises paid their last respects to the former President by saying “Kalam Amar Rahe  (Long live Kalam).”

His body was then taken to the Military Hospital for embalming.  It will be flown to Guwahati in a special Air Force helicopter at 5.30 am on Tuesday from the Upper Shillong Helipad. After reaching Guwahati, the body will be flown to Delhi in a special aircraft at around 6:15 am. The body is likely to arrive at 9 am in Delhi.

Meghalaya Governor V. Shanmuganathan among others will accompany the body of late former President to Delhi.

Arguably India’s most popular and beloved head of state in living memory, Kalam was elected President during the tenure of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee.

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APJ Abdul Kalam, wearing a cap, stands next to George Fernandes and Atal Bihari Vajpaye at the Pokhran-II test site in Rajasthan in May 1999.

As head of the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and Principal Scientific Adviser to the Prime Minister from 1992-1999, he was credited with the development of both the country’s missile programme – for years he was known as ‘missile man’ – and its nuclear weapons programme, though his role in the latter was more inspirational and organisational than strictly scientific.

Both as President and later, Kalam was a hugely inspirational figure for ordinary Indians, especially children and students, who saw in the remarkable journey he made from relatively humble origins in rural Tamil Nadu a glimpse of what they themselves could achieve if they too had ‘ignited minds‘.

As President, Kalam often made a dramatic impression overseas too. “It seems Russia has been missing someone like President APJ Abdul Kalam all this time ever since Indira Gandhi. Or perhaps even Nehru,” the Russian political commentator Dmiti Kosyrev wrote during a presidential visit to Moscow in 2005. “This is something very Indian. But when the selected Russian public – students, researchers and technical staff of the hi-tech Sukhoi airspace laboratory – saw the urbane and very eloquent man with long wavy grey hair on a state visit, they saw many things which were just what Russia may pay attention to right now.”

While tributes began pouring in immediately from all corners, the fact that Kalam’s life came to an end while he was in a classroom full of students in Shillong in north-eastern India – a region usually ignored by ‘mainland’ Indian leaders – did not go unnoticed by some:

This article has been edited several times with updates

Decoding What Lies Behind the Terrorist Attack in Punjab

Police personnel during an encounter with militants who attacked a police station at Dinanagar in Gurdaspur district on Monday. Credit: PTI

Police personnel during an encounter with militants who attacked a police station at Dinanagar in Gurdaspur district on Monday. Credit: PTI

The terrorist attack on Dinanagar police station in Gurdaspur district that took the lives of 11 persons including three militants on Monday is a puzzle. This is the first major terror attack in Punjab since 2002. The terrorist were dressed in military uniforms favoured by the Lashkar-e-Tayyaba militants who are believed responsible for what are almost trade-mark attacks in the Jammu region, the last one being a set of two consecutive attacks in March this year in Kathua and Samba.  Why they chose Punjab is a question that everyone will be asking since the terrorists did not pretend to be Sikh militants, or to be conducting an operation on their behalf.

The modus operandi fits in with the earlier Jammu attacks: Terrorists use moonless nights and Pakistani cross-border firing to breach the international border – or, as the Pakistanis term it,  the “working boundary” – in the Jammu region and reach National Highway 1A which runs parallel to the border between Jammu and Pathankot. The fact that the region between the highway and the border is criss-crossed by small nullahs or rivulets makes this task easier. Within an hour of crossing the border, the terrorists are on the highway, where they hijack a vehicle and  usually strike Army, BSF or police posts.

Such an attack took place in March 2014 as well in Kathua, when a jawan, a civilian and two terrorists were killed. Later in November, just as Modi and Nawaz Sharif were meeting at Dhulikhel in Nepal at the sidelines of the SAARC summit, four militants who had infiltrated into the Arnia area of Jammu were gunned down at the cost of three jawans and three civilians.

(Map shown for representational purposes)

However, this time, after crossing somewhere in the Jammu area, the terrorists hijacked a car and deliberately drove west along National Highway 1A and then looped south-west along the old Pathankot-Gurdaspur road  to Dinanagar, some 12 km short of Gurdaspur town in Punjab. There is little doubt that their target had been chosen in advance and they are probably likely to have been aided by GPS devices. So the question is: Why Punjab ?

One theory is that the ISI handlers believe that the time is ripe for another bout of Sikh militancy. After all, a Shiv Sainik, Harvinder Soni was shot at in Gurdaspur  in April this year by a young man shouting Khalistani slogans. On Sunday, when Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal spoke in Patiala, his meeting was disturbed by pro-Khalistani slogan shouting. These may be straws in the wind, but we need to be able to read the wind direction carefully. The current situation in Kashmir and Punjab is not particularly good. In Punjab, the misrule of the Badals has created a great deal of unrest, but whether it has become a fertile ground for Khalistanis is something that needs to be determined.

On the other hand, this could be a routine warning from the LeT to both the Indian and Pakistani governments against getting too close to each other. Such strikes have often taken place when India and Pakistan are set  to improve their relations through dialogue. Thus, the Dhulikhel meet between Modi and Sharif led to the Arnia attack, and now, following their recent meeting in Ufa and the decision to resume a dialogue, the Lashkar has once again struck with the aim of sabotaging the possibility of any normalisation.

Mindful of this, perhaps, Pakistan has been quick to denounce Monday’s attack. “We condemn in the strongest terms the terrorist incident in Gurdaspur, India, today, in which a number of precious lives have been lost,” the Foreign Ministry spokesperson said in Islamabad. “There are reports of others having suffered injuries. Our thoughts are with the bereaved families. Pakistan reiterates its condemnation of terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. We extend heartfelt sympathies and condolences to the Government and people of India and wish the wounded speedy and full recovery.”

The Gurdaspur attack could be a message within a message to India’s hawkish National Security Adviser Ajit Doval who is now, for all intents and purposes, the GOI’s pointsman for Pakistan. Doval has not been shy in warning Pakistan of dire reprisals if they carry out acts of terrorism against India. The LeT – whether or not on behalf of the Pakistan Army is difficult to say – may now be daring him.

There is, of course, a more outlandish theory – that the Lashkar is now staking a claim to Gurdaspur district. In Pakistani demonology, this district, which had a Muslim majority, was given to India during Partition because of the machinations of Lord Mountbatten and Jawaharlal Nehru. After the release of the testimony of Christopher Beaumont, private secretary to Sir Cyril Radcliffe, the man who drew the Partition line, no serious scholar believes this anymore. But then the Pakistani fire-eaters are no scholars.

Army jawans take position during an encounter with armed attackers at the police station in Dinanagar town, in Gurdaspur district of Punjab on Monday. PTI Photo

Army jawans take position during an encounter with armed attackers at the police station in Dinanagar town, in Gurdaspur district of Punjab on Monday. Credit: PTI

Meanwhile all this comes at a somewhat dismal time in Kashmir as well. Young militants who are locals have issued photographs of themselves in military gear, indicating that the training grounds are no longer in Pakistan, but the Valley itself. In the meantime, the Pakistani and Islamic State flags have become the symbols of protest.

As of now, there are no real indications that the Islamic State is making any serious inroads into Kashmir, or for that matter Pakistan. However, what is happening is that the idea of the Islamic State seems to be gaining some traction with sections of the Muslim youth. The IS itself is a dangerous mutation of violent Islamist extremism and, like all mutants, its origin was unexpected, and its consequences can be difficult to predict.

Unfortunately, the Centre is doing little to resolve an outstanding problem in this most vulnerable state. Narendra Modi’s advisers may be hoping that the Kashmir problem will go away because the BJP and the PDP have managed to get a functional government going but the situation on the ground may actually be getting more complex. In all this, Lashkar actions such as the attack in Gurdaspur can have unforeseen and dangerous consequences.

The writer is a Distinguished Fellow, Observer Research Foundation.

This article has been edited to add the Pakistan Foreign Ministry’s reaction to the Gurdaspur attack.

Gurdaspur Terror: MPs Call for Use of Full Force

The attack in Gurdaspur resonated in Lok Sabha today with members cutting across party lines saying the incident demonstrated that the threat to India is “perceptible”

New Delhi: The attack in Gurdaspur resonated in Lok Sabha today with members cutting across party lines condemning it and saying that the incident demonstrated that the terror threat to India is “perceptible” and that all force should be used to fight the scourge.

Members of Akali Dal, BJP, CPI(M) and BJD spoke on this morning’s attack during the Zero Hour amidst the din created by members of Congress, NCP, Left, Trinamool Congress, Samajwadi Party, RJD, JD(U) and TRS over various issues.

Congress members, holding placards in the Well, were demanding ouster of External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj, Rajasthan Chief Minister Vasundhara Raje and Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan over various controversies.

Members from SP, RJD and JD(U) were demanding release of the census report, while TRS members were demanding a separate High Court for Telangana.

Prem Singh Chandumajra of Akali Dal, who hails from Punjab, raised the issue of the attack, in which four heavily armed terrorists went on a rampage this morning, targeting a bus and a police station complex, leaving a number of policemen and civilians dead and injured.

He urged the slogan-shouting opposition members to halt their protest in view of the attack as it is in the national interest.

“I appeal to you, in the national interest, halt your protest for two minutes as there has been an attack in Gurdaspur,” he told the Congress members who were in the Well shouting slogans against Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the government.

“This is a question of the country’s security. People are dying… People of the state are watching. They are watching this drama (in the House),” the Akali member said. BJD member Tathagat Sathpathy said the incident in Gurdaspur was a “grave matter”, which shows that “once again terrorism is back with full force. It is not only display of ISIS flags, the threat of terrorism is perceptible here. The threat is right here in the country.”

He said all political parties should unite against the fight against terrorism. “We are not here to politicise…Strictest action should be taken. All force should be used. India should stand up to fight terrorism,” the BJD member from Odisha said. Mohd Saleem (CPI-M) said the “terror attack in Gurdaspur is condemnable”.

At the same time, he questioned the “resurgence” of terrorism while observing that “the kind of politics in Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir” is responsible for it. BJP member S.S. Ahluwalia wanted the House to pass a unanimous resolution against terrorism coming from across the border, an apparent reference to Pakistan.

Parliamentary Affairs Minister M. Venkaiah Naidu said Home Minister Rajnath Singh would make a statement in the House on the incident after the encounter is over. He said the Centre is in touch with the state and the House can discuss the incident after the Home Minister’s statement.

Naidu criticised the continuous slogan-shouting by Congress and some other opposition parties, saying they were not allowing members to speak on the attack which is a “serious issue”. He said the attack is an important issue concerning the national security. Speaker Sumitra Mahajan, while referring to Naidu’s remarks, said the Home Minister could make a statement after the encounter ends.

TRS member A.P. Jitendra Reddy, while condemning the Gurdaspur attack, welcomed that the Home Minister will make a statement.

Sounds of Gunfire Wake Up Residents of Gurdaspur

Officials said that schools, colleges and other institutions have been ordered to be shut in the town

Dina Nagar (Gurdaspur): Sound of gunfire woke up residents in this town early this morning as terrorists, clad in army uniform, attacked a bus and a police station complex killing five persons, including a policeman, after snatching a car.

As the news of attack spread, people living near the police station in Dina Nagar, the third largest town in Gurdaspur district, largely remained indoors. People switched on their TV sets to catch the latest updates on the situation.

Kamaljeet Singh Matharu, a resident, said that the heavily armed assailants, wearing army uniform, snatched his Maruti 800 car after firing at him. He received gunshot injuries and is admitted to a hospital.

Jatinder Kumar, an employee of Punjab Health Department, came to know about the incident at about 6:15 AM through his friend who called him up. “Then I went upstairs in my house and heard the sound of bullet firing,” he said, adding soon a large police force and then army personnel arrived in the area.

“There is fear among the people after they came to know about the attack. We can hear the sound of firing going on at the police station between the security personnel and the attackers,” said Kumar, whose house is just 500 metres away from the Dina Nagar police station, about 25 km from Pathankot town.

Officials said that schools, colleges and other institutions have been ordered to be shut in the town. According to the police, the attackers first snatched the Maruti car with a Punjab registration number and then targeted a roadside eatery. They shot dead a roadside vendor near Dinanagar bypass.

Then they struck a moving bus at around 5 AM, spraying bullets at passengers, injuring four. The assailants after that targeted a health centre followed by a building where the families of police personnel reside and hurled grenades before entering the police station.

Both Jatinder and his wife, who works in Punjab’s Internal Audit Department, said they decided not to go to their respective offices today following the attack. “Our son, who is a student of Class VIII, has also not gone to school as the district administration announced closure of educational institutions for the day,” they said.

Varinder Kumar Vikky, another resident of the district bordering Jammu and Kashmir, said the security forces have cordoned off the area around the police station and set up check-points. Naval, who lives in an area close to the roadside eatery, where one person was killed by the terrorists, said, “I heard the sound of gunfire. They (attackers) stole the car of one of the injured persons.

“I saw them driving away in the car. They went towards the police station. There were a very few people since it was early in the morning. They fired about three rounds initially. They were firing as they drove off. The person who died worked at the eatery,” he said.

Meanwhile, security forces in Punjab and neighbouring Haryana have gone on high alert in the wake of the attack, about three weeks ahead of the Independence Day. A senior police official said that in view of the attack, “maximum alert” has been sounded across Punjab and security has been beefed up along its border with neighbouring J&K.

BSF, which guards the Indo-Pak border, has also been put on high alert after the incident, he said.

How the Legacy of Slavery Affects the Mental Health of Black Americans Today

As the US faces what would appear to be an epidemic of race-based attacks committed by whites, it is time to examine how our history of racism affects the mental health of African Americans

On July 22, in announcing the federal indictment of Charleston killer Dylann Roof, Attorney General Loretta Lynch commented that the expression of forgiveness offered by the victims’ families is “an incredible lesson and message for us all.”

Forgiveness and grace are, indeed, hallmarks of the Black Church.

Since slavery, the church has been a formidable force for the survival of blacks in an America still grappling with the residual effects of white supremacy.

This was eloquently illustrated in the aftermath of the Charleston church massacre. Americans rightly stood in awe of the bereaved families’ laudable demonstration of God’s grace in action.

But what about the psychic toll that these acts of forgiveness exact?

Events like Charleston put a spotlight on the growing body of literature that looks not only at the United States’ failure to have authentic conversations about slavery and its legacy but also at the mental health impact of forgiving acts of white racism and repressing justifiable feelings of anger and outrage – whether these are horrific acts of terrorism or nuanced microaggressions.

I am a social work educator and practitioner with 25 years of experience in the field of mental health. I teach at one of the nation’s leading schools of social work, committed to preparing its graduates to work with racially and ethnically diverse populations. It is time, I believe, to bring this new field of inquiry into the mainstream.

The church as buffer

In his seminal book, Mighty Like A River, the Black Church and Social Reform, sociologist Andrew Billingsley asserts that the Black Church is the only African-American institution that has not been reenvisioned in the image of whites.

His research illuminates the role of religion in building the resilience that allows blacks as a people to overcome the various forms of terrorism and oppression endured over centuries that sustain doctrines of white supremacy.

Indeed, in his analysis of the African-American family, Billingsley concludes that it is “amazingly strong, enduring, adaptive and highly resilient.”

But as we pay homage to church and family in buffering blacks against the full effects of white racism, we must not obscure or diminish racism’s impact on the mental health that few blacks – irrespective of educational, social or economic status – will escape.

There is increasing evidence that repressing feelings associated with acts of white racism may be psychologically damaging and lay the foundation for future mental health problems and behaviors symptomatic of post-traumatic stress syndrome.

Evidence of racism’s impact on mental health

Harvard psychiatrist Alvin Poussaint asked why suicide rates among black males doubled between 1980 and 1995.

In his co-authored book, Lay My Burden Down: Suicide and the Mental Health Crisis among African-Americans, which takes its title from a Negro spiritual describing the hardships of the slave system, he argues that one of the reasons for this increase is that African-American young men may see the afterlife as a better place.

Terrie M Williams is a clinical social worker in New York. In her book, Black Pain: It Just Looks Like We’re Not Hurting, she uses powerful personal narratives of blacks from all walks of life to illustrate the high toll of hiding the pain associated with the black experience on mental health.

Joy DeGruy, Portland State University researcher and scholar, has developed “post-traumatic slave syndrome” as a theory for explaining the effects of unresolved trauma on the behaviours of blacks that is transmitted from generation to generation.

DeGruy’s argument may be controversial, but the questions she asked are surely relevant as we try to make sense, for example, of research released this July that shows suicide rates among black elementary school pupils significantly increasing between 1993 and 2012.

Moving to the mainstream… slowly

The fact is that from my perspective at New York University’s Silver School of Social Work, these publications have yet to move into mainstream literature. They have low visibility in the curricula and training programs for mental health professionals.

Nor have the questions these scholars and practitioners raised led to the kind of research that is needed to support race-conscious and culturally appropriate practices for the mental health programs and agencies working with African-American families.

At the same time, however, the original thinking of authors like Poussaint and DeGruy is very much in sync with the new emphasis on trauma-informed care in social work across all fields of practice.

As the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention concluded in a May 2014 research report, undiagnosed childhood neglect or trauma is widespread among American adults and is the root cause of mental health and behavioral problems in adulthood.

Indeed, it is now the recommendation of the National Council for Behavioral Health that trauma-informed care be integrated into all assessment and treatment procedures.

This emphasis on trauma provides a new lens for developing research into the impact of slavery – and its legacy of structural and institutional racism – on black mental health today.

A difficult topic of conversation

The problem is, no one likes to talk about slavery. For blacks descended from slaves, the subject evokes feelings of shame and embarrassment associated with the degradations of slavery. For whites whose ancestry makes them complicit, there are feelings of guilt about a system that is incongruent with the democratic ideals on which this country was founded.

Cloaked in a veil of silence or portrayed as a benevolent system that was in the best interest of blacks, slavery – much like mental illness – has become shrouded in secrecy and stigma. Associated emotions are pushed away. Anger, however, is a healthy emotion, as even the Scriptures acknowledge.

The God of the Old Testament is angry and vengeful. In the New Testament, Jesus vents his anger in driving the money changers from the Temple. As research (including my own) has shown, when anger is internalized and driven deep into the unconscious, contaminated by unresolved pain, it becomes problematic.

So what happens to the anger felt by people discriminated against and, in extreme cases, physically targeted because of their race?

Not enough is known about the relationship between clinical depression and race. But there are extensive findings (including reports by the Surgeon General) that attribute racial disparities in mental health outcomes for African Americans and whites to clinician bias, socioeconomic status and environmental stressors (such as high rates of crime and poor housing). And there is evidence of a link between perceived racism and adverse psychological outcomes such as increased levels of anxiety, depression and other psychiatric symptoms.

The numbers tell a story. According to the Minority Health Office of the Department of Health and Human Services, black adults are 20% more likely to report serious psychological distress than white adults and are more likely to have feelings of sadness, hopelessness and worthlessness than do their white counterparts.

And yet there continues to be reluctance to forthrightly confront the impact of racism on mental health. Some of my colleagues, for example, say that content on race and racism is the most challenging content for them to teach. Authentic dialogue on race is constrained by the fear of being “political incorrect.” It takes less effort to promote the more inclusive liberal view that we live in a “color-blind society.”

It may be easier to allow everyone to remain in their comfort zone. But today as the US faces what would appear to be an epidemic of race-based attacks committed by whites, it is time to examine how our history of racism affects the mental health of African Americans as well as that of whites.

The Conversation

Alma Carten is Associate Professor of Social Work; McSilver Faculty Fellow at New York University.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Justice Unveiled as Courts Show Divergent Approaches to Secularism in India

The Kerala HC and the SC have adopted divergent approaches on the question of the right of Muslim women to wear a headscarf and full sleeves while appearing for a public exam

The Kerala High Court. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

The Kerala High Court. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

New Delhi: On the question of the right of Muslim women to wear a headscarf and full sleeves while appearing for a public examination, the Kerala High Court and the Supreme Court have adopted divergent approaches.

On July 24, the Supreme Court bench comprising Chief Justice H.L. Dattu, Justice Arun Mishra and Justice Amitava Roy refused to entertain a petition filed by the Student Islamic Organisation of India (SIOI) which was aggrieved by the Central Board of School Education’s notification of July 9, 2015.

The notification prescribed a dress code for candidates appearing at its All India Pre-Medical Test, (AIPMT) which was being reconducted under the orders of the Supreme Court, on July 25.

The refusal of the bench resulted in the senior advocate, Sanjay Hegde, who represented the SIOI, requesting the court’s permission to withdraw the petition, which was granted.

The permission to withdraw the petition means that the Kerala High Court’s verdict, delivered by Justice Vinod Chandran, in Nadha Raheem vs CBSE, on July 21, (WP [C] 21696/2015), [thanks to livelaw.in which reproduced the order] was applicable to the facts of that case, and remained undisturbed. It also means that Chief Justice Dattu’s uncalled for observations on the issue, while hearing the SIOI’s petition, will have no impact on the High Court’s order.

In Nadha Raheem, the High Court asked the two Muslim petitioner-girls who challenged the dress code to present themselves before the invigilator half an hour before the examination, and subject themselves, to any acceptable mode of personal examination, carried on by an authorised person of the same sex. It also asked the CBSE to issue general instructions to its invigilators to ensure that religious sentiments are not hurt, and at the same time, ensure that discipline is not compromised. The High Court did not deem it necessary to question the CBSE’s dress code.

Perhaps not satisfied with this limited order of the High Court, the SIOI approached the Supreme Court for suitable directions to the CBSE to modify its dress code, so as to exclude the Muslim girls from its purview.

In SIOI vs CBSE, three practising Muslim women, whose religious beliefs require them to be attired in full sleeve clothing and scarfs whenever they appear in public view, were registered to appear in the rescheduled AIPMT. The petitioners sought a direction to the CBSE to exempt them and other such similarly placed candidates from application of Rule 6(c) and 7 (a) of the notification, as the same are violative of the the fundamental right of the petitioners guaranteed under Article 25 of the Constitution to practise and profess a religion of their choice.

Rule 6 listed eight categories of items which the candidate is prohibited from bringing at the examination centre. Thus Rule 6(a) barred stationery items, 6(b) restricted bringing of communication devices like mobile phones, Bluetooth, earphones , health band etc., and Rule 6(c) included other items like wallet, goggles, handbags, hair pin, hair band, charm/tabeez, belts, cap, scarf etc.   Rule 6(d) barred ornament like ring, bracelet, earrings, etc; Rule 6(e) to (h) mentioned watch, camera etc., metallic items, eatable items, water bottles, and any other items which could be used for unfair means and for hiding communication devices like mobile, camera, etc.

Rule 7 specified the dress code, which the candidates have to observe while coming for appearing in AIPMT examination. Rule 7(a) said they should wear light clothes with half sleeves shirt/t-shirt/kurta not having big buttons, brooch or any badge, flower and trouser/salwar etc. and Rule 7 (b) asked them to wear open slippers and not the shoes.

The fundamental right of the petitioners, under Article 29(2) of the Constitution of India, to be not denied admission in an institution maintained by the State on the ground of religion, was also cited. If on account of the dress code, the petitioners were not able to even write the entrance exam for admission, the petitioners would obviously not be entitled for admission, the SIOI had argued.

The dress code was also challenged as discriminatory and violative of Article 14 of the Constitution, because it ends up preventing those who are religiously inclined and follow the mandate of their religion to be attired in a certain manner from writing the entrance exam.

The petitioners approached the Supreme Court under Article 32 of the Constitution because the Supreme Court alone could grant relief sought for since no High Court can interfere with the process of conducting the exam which is being conducted as per the orders of the Supreme Court dated 15.6.15 in WP (c) 298/2015.

On May 3, the AIPMT was conducted by the CBSE. As news reports surfaced that micro sim devices were fitted to vests/undergarments with wires and Bluetooth devices of some of the candidates through which answer keys were communicated to them, during the conduct of the examination, the Supreme Court, on June 15, in Tanvi Sarwal vs. CBSE, cancelled the AIPMT conducted on May 3, and ordered re-examination.

The petitioners said they had no objection to being frisked by lady staff or other security measures, but the complete bar on wearing their religiously mandated clothing is too broad a measure, which is not necessary to achieve the objectives of the CBSE.

Chief Justice Dattu’s observations on July 24 that “if you appear in an examination without a scarf, your faith will not disappear” and “faith is not connected to wearing a particular type of clothes”, are generally seen as very insensitive to the religious sentiments of minorities.

Justice Dattu’s further remarks that the “plea is nothing but an ego” and “that it is a small issue” stand in contrast to what Justice K.Vinod Chandran observed while hearing the case on July 21.

Justice Chandran said: “In our country with its varied and diverse religions and customs, it cannot be insisted that a particular dress code be followed failing which a student would be prohibited from sitting for the examinations.”

On July 24, the Kerala High Court’s order was brought to the attention of the Supreme Court. Perhaps the petitioners wanted similar relief to Muslim girls, appearing elsewhere in the country, thus modifying the CBSE’s insensitive dress code.