IIT Kanpur Panel to Decide if Faiz Poem Sung at Protest Is ‘Anti-Hindu’

The poem, ‘Hum dekhenge’, which has grown into a protest staple with a tune of its own, was sung at a Jamia solidarity march on December 17.

New Delhi: The recitation of a poem by Urdu legend Faiz Ahmad Faiz at Indian Institute of Technology, Kanpur, has snowballed into a controversy big enough for the institution to form a panel to decide whether the spirit of the poem is ‘anti-Hindu’.

The poem, Hum dekhenge, which has grown into a protest staple with a tune of its own, was sung at a December 17 march organised in solidarity with the students of Jamia Millia Islamia, upon whom police had unleashed violence on December 15.

A teacher of the institute, Dr Vashi Mant Sharma, then made a complaint against the video, reported Indian Express, alleging that a particular line of the poem is ‘communal’. The line, reported the newspaper, translates to “when all idols will be removed, only Allah’s name will remain.”

IIT-Kanpur’s deputy director Manindra Agrawal was quoted by NDTV as having said, “The video suggests that the poem provokes anti-Hindu sentiments.”

Also read: Have the Bullies of Yesterday Become the Bigots of Today?

The institute’s director Abhay Karandikar has, meanwhile, tweeted on the nature of the committee formed and said the institute had never permitted the solidarity march.


The institute’s student media body “Vox Populi” recently said they had to take down an editorial against the institute’s decision on the poem, on the direction of the authorities.

Fauiz authored ‘Hum dekhenge’ in 1979, to protest against General Zia-ul-Haq’s military dictatorship. The poet, a communist, used Islamic imagery and metaphors to counter a the Islamic dictator. When Iqbal Bano first sang it as a song, it caught the imagination of thousands of Pakistanis, as it captured their frustrations.

One verse of the poem – arguably the most revolutionary one – has been cut from most reproductions of the poem. It says,

Jab arz-e-Khuda ke Ka’abe se, sab buutt uthwaae jaayenge / Hum ahl-e-safa mardood-e-haram, masnad pe bithaaye jaayenge / Sab taaj uchhale jaayenge, sab takht giraaye jaayenge (From the abode of God, when the icons of falsehood will be removed / When we, the faithful, who have been barred from sacred places, will be seated on a high pedestal / When crowns will be tossed, when thrones will be brought down).”

CAA Protests: Uttar Pradesh Police Seek Ban on PFI for ‘Violence’

Pegging the PFI has the agent that perpetuated violence has allowed UP Police to circumvent allegations that it unleashed untold brutality on Muslims during the protests.

New Delhi: The Uttar Pradesh Police has sought a ban on the Popular Front of India (PFI), days after it began to point fingers at the Muslim organisation for allegedly inciting violence in statewide protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act.

Uttar Pradesh DGP O.P. Singh said on Tuesday that they had written to the Union home ministry, seeking a ban on the PFI after its Uttar Pradesh head, Wasim, and 16 other activists were arrested for allegedly masterminding the violence in the state capital during anti-CAA protests.

“We have written to the Union home ministry, recommending that the PFI should be banned,” the DGP told reporters here.

Deputy chief minister Keshav Prasad Maurya said the PFI in a way is the “incarnation” of the Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI).

The PFI’s role has been “established” in vandalism in the state, Maurya told reporters.

“The truth is emerging through the probe. If SIMI reappears in any form, it will be crushed,” he added.

When asked if the PFI will be banned, Maurya said, “The process is on. Such organisations will not be allowed to grow. If needed, they will be banned.” Wasim was arrested for allegedly masterminding the violence, police had said last week.

Also read: UP Police Arrest Muslim Lawyer Offering Legal Aid to Protestors, Claim Militant Links

“We have got success in arresting the mastermind of the Lucknow violence. Wasim, Nadeem and Ashfaq of the PFI have been arrested. While Wasim is the state head, Ashfaq is the treasurer and Nadeem is a member of the PFI,” Lucknow SSP Kalanidhi Naithani told reporters here.

Police seized placards, flags, pamphlets, literature, newspaper cuttings, banners and posters for the anti-NRC or CAA protest from them, the SSP said.

During interrogation, Nadeem and Ashfaq allegedly told police that they strategised for the December 19 protests and publicised it on social media.

“Nadeem and Ashfaq incited people for the protest through WhatsApp and other platforms by sharing literature and video,” Naithani had said.

Besides, in Shamli district of western Uttar Pradesh, 28 people, including 14 members of the PFI, were arrested for allegedly attempting to incite mass gatherings during anti-CAA protests.

“As many as 14 PFI members, including Mohammad Shadab, a prominent member of the PFI, have been arrested. Two PFI members are wanted. Another 14 people were also arrested in the district,” Shamli SP Vineet Jaiswal had said.

On December 25, police had arrested Mohammad Faizal, a Rajasthan based 24-year-old Muslim advocate who had gone to Shamli to offer legal aid to protesters who had been arrested. Shamli police had been quick to identify Faizal as a PFI member as well.

On December 19, the situation was tense in Shamli and its Kairana town. Around 150 people were taken into preventive custody after the UP Police allegedly got intelligence inputs about the PFI “planning unrest” in Kairana and Kandhla towns of Shamli.

The PFI was formed in 2006 in Kerala as a successor to the National Democratic Front (NDF). Earlier, UP deputy chief minister Dinesh Sharma had said that the authorities suspect the role of the PFI and SIMI in the violence during the anti-CAA protests in the state.

Blaming the PFI for what is largely understood to be police violence in the protests has been the mainstay of the UP Police. In Assam, where anti-CAA protests are taking place as well (even though the root cause of opposing the legislation differs), state finance minister Himanta Biswa Sarma had blamed PFI for the violence in them.

(With PTI inputs)

Bystander Shot During Police Crackdown on CAA Protest in Rampur Was Denied Medical Aid

Faiz Khan’s twin brother Faraz alleged that the police beat him with lathis when he tried to take his brother’s body.

Rampur: On the night of Friday, December 20, Faiz Khan took his 14-year-old niece Samia to the hospital for the doctor to look at her, as she had fallen ill. He was with his sister in law, and had driven them there since he was the best driver in the family. Soon, he would be leaving them to go to work in Dubai, in February in the coming year. The next morning, he left the house to finish up some of the paperwork remaining for his trip, between 10 and 12 pm.

On that morning, a large protest against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act was being held on the streets of Rampur. He had not gone for the protest itself, his twin brother Faraz said, adding, “If he was going to the protest, I would have been with him. I was at home at the time.”

Faiz saw a crowd standing in the street, beside the Hathi Khanna crossing. The ulemas of the main masjid in Rampur had put out a call for a protest on Saturday earlier in the week, but on Friday morning, a meeting had taken place between them and the police, and by Friday night, a message had been put out that the protest had been cancelled. While the call for the protest had spread like wildfire through the community, news of its cancellation had not.

There were thousands of people on the streets across Rampur – at the Hathi Khanna crossing itself, there were at least two thousand, Faiz’s uncle told The Wire.

Barricades were erected by the police when the crowd started – which was not being allowed to march toward its destination – grew restive. That was when the police started to fire tear gas into the crowd to get them to disperse.

Faiz was in the crowd, watching while this was happening. When the tear gas started to choke the crowd, he saw an old man fall to his knees, and collapse onto the street. He darted out, and grabbed him, trying to pull him away from the stampede that was gathering, to take him to safety.

Also read: Ground Report: Families of Two Young Men Felled by Bullets in Bijnor Contest Police Claims

That was when a bullet hit him bang in the middle of his throat – right between his clavicle – breaking through his oesophagus, and lodging into his neck.

Faiz fell to the ground.

§

Faiz Khan. Photo: Faraz Khan

Faiz was a man who was quick to help at the cost of his own time and health. In the past three months, he had donated blood twice, for neighbours who had been in surgery who could not afford to buy blood. Between him and his twin brother, he had been the first to come out – he was older by one minute. He had graduated from 12th grade and had worked ever since.

Four years ago, he had gone to Saudi Arabia to work as a salesperson for a chips company. He only earned enough to eat and live there – not enough to send back home, and in conditions that were so miserable that in four months time, he wanted to come back home.

When he told his employers that he wanted to go back, they took his passport and phone away, and confined him to his quarters – without his phone ahd without enough food to eat. After a flurry of requests from family connections, he was released when his father sent him his return ticket with enough money to come back home.

He worked with his hands after he returned. His family lives together with three families, whose main source of income is a sweet-shop in Rampur – there’s just enough to get by, without luxuries, but with enough food on the table.

His mother has a condition which causes her legs to hurt – if Faiz was around when she would ask his brother Faraz to press her legs, he would jump with alacrity to do it himself.

“When our nani died, he cried for weeks,” Faraz told The Wire. “He still kept all her things in his drawer. They are still there.”

§

Public mein se kisi ne goli nahi chalayi, (Nobody from the crowd fired a bullet)” his brother said. “Public unarmed thi sabh (The public was unarmed).” Faraz, who did not witness this, said every single witness who spoke to him at the time told him the same story.

When he fell to the ground, Faiz was not yet dead. He was still breathing.

Bystanders rushed him to the district hospital. When they reached, the hospital staff loaded him onto a stretcher, and inquired about what had happened. The bystanders said that he had been shot. The hospital staff then drew back, refusing to treat him. The bystanders said that they were screaming, asking where the hospital staff was, begging for them to see to him.

Also read: In Bijnor, Children Give Harrowing Accounts of Beating by UP Police After CAA Protest

“We reached there an hour after he reached the hospital,” his brother says. “We waited for another hour and a half. For two and a half hours, nobody in the hospital would touch his body, saying they had been given orders not to attend to the victims of any bullet injuries.”

By that time, Faiz was dead.

“We asked them to just come and check if he still was alive, to confirm his death,” says Faiz’s father. They would not.

It was then that the police showed up, with the Rapid Action Force. The police force stopped family members from going into the emergency room, where they were desperate to find a doctor to see to Faiz’s body. There were around 10-12 of Faiz’s family and friends who had gathered at the hospital at that time, and soon, as more police began to arrive, there were at least 60-70 policemen.

The police then began to try to take Faiz’s body away, which the family strenuously protested. “A hospital superintendent was writing a referral for another hospital, and when I asked him why, he said that they would take him to another hospital to put him on a ventilator,” said Faiz’s father. “I asked him, do you put a ventilator on a live man or a dead one?”

Faiz’s family had put his body, laying on a stretcher, against the wall, and had formed a protective barrier between him and the policemen. The policemen tried to force their way through, and grabbing the stretcher, began to yank it away. The family kept a tight hold on it, pulling it back, and refusing to let them take it away. All they wanted to do was to take the body home. At this point, the police pulled out their lathis, and began to hit them, taking a hold of the stretcher amidst the commotion and rushing it out.

Faiz’s brother Faraz refused to let go. He held on to the stretcher amidst the police and his father screaming behind him to let them have it and to not get hurt. The stretcher made its way outside, struggling between the police and Faraz. They were lifting his body into the ambulance, shoving and hitting Faraz, when Faraz yanked his twin brother’s body towards him.

Faiz’s body fell, with Faraz beneath it.

§

Faiz’s insistence on helping people was the stuff of family legends. He was an excellent driver and loved to drive – his friends would call him when they were going to the mountains, just so he could drive them.

A regular occasion, when his love for driving met his drive to help, was when people in his neighbourhood would fall ill, and had to be taken to the hospital. People would call him, knowing he would always get his car and come swiftly.

After his death, his brother said, “Zindagi mein itne nahi log mile jitne call aa gaye the. (One doesn’t get to meet as many people as the number of calls he got)”

§

When Faiz’s body fell, Faraz held onto his brother tightly, and the police surrounded him.

They knew at this point that they were being recorded, he says, and they did not raise their lathis high to hit him as he lay beneath his brother’s corpse. Instead, in a tight circle, they began to hit him with their lathis, jabbing hard downward onto what parts of his body were available, with the same sharp movement used to spear a fish.

Also read: Delay of Medical Care to the Injured by Police Is Unconstitutional

They beat his hands with their sticks, and he says he was kicked on his back with their boots, trying to make him let go of the body. He showed this reporter his hand, which was swollen, with a graze scabbed over. The Wire has personally viewed the video footage which substantiates this sequence of events. The Wire was not given this footage to publish, because of apprehensions that it would be used to locate and punish the man who shot it.

Faraz said that in their attempts to hit him, they were hitting his brother’s lifeless body, which he could not bear. He let his brother go, he said, because he did not want his body to be mutilated any further.

Faiz Khan. Photo: Faraz Khan

They put his brother’s body into the ambulance.

Faraz stared out blindly into the darkness, his voice breaking. “If a dog dies, people with hearts handle the body with some tenderness. They threw him in like a football.” He is wearing the same tan leather jacket that he was wearing in the video of the police beating him.

§

When Faiz was a child, one of his favourite things to do, when he saw his mother sitting down, was to run to her, put his head in her lap, and say, “Mummy, mere sir mein thoda khujli hai, aap tel lagao. (Mummy, there is itching in my head, put some oil.)” He used to do this even now, his father said, even when his head was never itching, just to get his mother to massage him. He would sit in his mother’s lap for hours as she stroked his head, and he would fall asleep.

Faiz’s mother could not speak with us. She is in no condition to speak with anyone, her husband said.

§

The family wanted to accompany the body, as nobody would tell them where they were taking him, and they did not know what would happen to it. Faiz’s father begged to be allowed to accompany them, and they refused, starting to drive off. Faraz ran in front of the ambulance and lay down on the road, unwilling to move until his father was allowed inside.

In the melee, Faiz’s father dropped his phone, he said. They let him in, and drove off to the Moradabad district hospital, accompanied by two police cars.

A doctor at the hospital examined Faiz’s body, at which point he was sent to the mortuary. It was again put into the ambulance, as his post mortem would be done at another hospital, about 3 km away.

Also read: UP Govt’s Thinly-Veiled Attempt to Move Spotlight Away From Police Repression

At the other hospital, Faiz’s father begged someone from the police to give him a phone, so he could call his family. He said, “Mein akela, bilkul tanha tha dead body ke saath. Koi nahi tha mere saath, (I was alone, completely alone, with the dead body. There was nobody with me.)”. He said he joined his hands and begged them to just let him call his family to tell them where he was. Nobody gave him a phone.

By coincidence, another man from the same locality happened to see him, crying on one of the hospital benches. One of his relatives had also been injured in Rampur, and he recognised Faiz’s father. He did not go speak to Faiz’s father and see what was happening, fearing that the police would take away his phone as well. Instead, he called up Faiz’s family and informed them about his whereabouts.

After the post mortem had been completed, Faiz’s body was brought back, with his father, to the Rampur hospital where he had originally been taken, and after arguments with the police, the family was finally allowed to take him home to be buried.

The family is convinced that Faiz fell to a police bullet, but the police have issued a statement saying that he was injured by a bullet fired by protestors. The family says that they have no intentions of pursuing the matter further – they want no investigations and will be filing no FIRs.

“We don’t want them to catch another innocent, and put him in jail on our account.

Ham ne toh Allah ke upar chhod diya hai, (We have left it up to God)” said Faiz’s father. “I have told the DM sahab as well, hamari bacche ki waje se aisa na ho ki koi fas jaye, galat, aur uska azaab hamare gale pe na aaye.” (Because of our son, no innocent should be trapped, and the wrath of that to come upon our necks.)  “Ham apne taraf se koi FIR, koi karwai nahi karenge. God’s wrath will be upon our minds, and also with our martyred son,” he said.

“There will be more protests,” Faiz’s uncle said. “We are not afraid of dying anymore. It’s better to die here, than to die in a camp. We will protest peacefully, but we are no longer afraid to die.”

Ground Report: Families of Two Young Men Felled by Bullets in Bijnor Contest Police Claims

Both Suleiman and Anas were effervescent young men. Both were killed amidst police violence in the wake of protests against the CAA.

Bijnor: Two young men, Suleiman and Anas, were killed in Nehtaur on the day protests were held against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act in different parts of Bijnor district. Suleiman was about to turn 20, and Anas had just turned 21. They lived in the same block, a two-minute walk away from each other.

Their families know each other. On December 20, both boys were gunned down by the Bijnor police, which said it had acted to contain the violence that broke out on the streets following the afternoon namaz. But the story which emerges from conversations with their families and other witnesses is rather different.

Suleiman, who was studying to join the civil service 

When we visited Suleiman’s home, his family had just had a heated exchange with the police, specifically, SP Sanjeev Tyagi, who was in charge of the police mobilisation in the area and had gone to speak to each of the families of the dead men, in their homes.

Tyagi is upset, because the media has descended upon the area, and the families have told them things that he has not.

One day ago, Tyagi had to confirm that Suleiman fell to a policeman’s bullet. It was the first instance in which the UP police admitted to killing a person in the violence that took place across the state, following UP chief minister Adityanath’s statement that ‘revenge would be taken’ on those who were ‘violently’ protesting the CAA.

We thought he had come in to assure the families that justice would be served. We were wrong. 

The police are now accusing Suleiman of shooting a police officer, who then shot back in ‘self-defence’.

Suleiman’s is a joint family which lives in a house with four small rooms attached to a larger space, with exposed brick covered in pink paint. The main room has a water pump in the centre, and the floor is damp, plain cement. The paint peels in the corners of the ceilings, where wire cables hang exposed, and grime covering the tops of the walls which cannot be easily reached. A flurry of young women accompany me – his sisters and cousins – and older, more sedate women, who are his aunts. 

His mother does not move. She has been lying in her bed since she buried her son, in a graveyard more than 20 km away, in a relative’s village near Bijnor. 

Also read: In Bijnor, Children Give Harrowing Accounts of Beating by UP Police After CAA Protest

When his mother cries, her eyes are dry. She moans softly, with a grief that is kept raw by people constantly asking questions. She has had no time, no sleep and no peace to process the fact that her son is dead. She wears red glass bangles on her hands. She says, “They killed my son. He was a good boy. They killed him. Mera beta. Mera beta.” 

Suleiman.

Suleiman was always a quiet child. His badi-ma tells me that when he was young, he never got under anyone’s feet, and did what he was told happily and without demur.

Much has been said in the media about how he was studying for the UPSC exams because his goal was to join the civil services. His sister tells me that he has wanted to join the UPSC ever since he was a small child, when he watched movies about daring policemen. One of his favourite movies was Mumbai ki Kiran Bedi. “All he wanted out of life was the chance to serve his country,” his sister-in-law said. 

His 19-year-old cousin Laiba is a delicate girl with a face of one much younger, framed in a soft pink hijab. She has a high voice, and was the closest to him both in age and in his family. “He always helped us study,” she said, when asked what kind of brother Suleiman had been “If we had any questions, he always knew the answers. We used to tease him, saying that he would become a tuition teacher, he was giving everyone tuitions all the time. He would be sitting in his study room all the time, and every time we went in, we would say we are going for tuitions. When his abba went in the room in the mornings, we used to say aap tuitions lene ke liye ja rahe ho.” 

She covers her mouth when she giggles reflexively, going back to the teasing baby sister she is. “When we used to go for weddings, he used to say, jitna bhi makeup pehno, churail hi lagti hai,” she said, laughing. “He asked me to make Maggi for him once, he was hungry, and I made it with too much water, and he said, Laiba, aapki saas maaregi, khaana nahi banana pata hai toh!” 

This is the loving railery of siblings accustomed to teasing. In a split second, her laughter has hiccuped and she has bewildered tears streaming down her face.

“I told him not to study so much,” says his older sister Sheeba, 27. She has a toddler with her. Earlier, when the women were sitting on the cot and telling me what happened, Sheeba turned her face and buried it into the pile of blankets behind her, shuddering with silent sobs. She began to retch, and ran out of the room to vomit. “Sheeba ulti karni chali?” says an aunt who came in, with the resignation of one who has learnt the hard way that there is nothing she can do to help. 

Suleiman didn’t make friends easily when he was young, and would be quiet with his family, his sister Sheeba said, and grew into talking more, even though the only thing he ever talked about were his studies. He did not speak about the CAA or the NRC to his family, and Sheeba says, “We were not worried about the NRC. If the NRC comes, we can show our documents for a hundred years, two hundred years, we have lived here. We didn’t talk about it.”

His sister-in-law pipes in, “Ham toh Adam ke zamane se yahin pe hai. Hamare nasle yahin hai.” 

Suleiman first went to Greenwood Convent School. After that, he attended the Muslim Primary school, and from the 5th to 10th grade, he was at Saraswati Vidha Mandir. He went to HMI till his 12th, and attended RSM to do a BA in History.  

The day before he was killed, Suleiman was extremely happy because his younger sister had won a drawing contest at Chandigarh. They could not go to get her prize, but he was hugely proud of her. He had said to her, “Chalo kuch toh hua badi hamari family mein.” 

The evening that the incident took place, Suleiman had been ill, and had fever. Instead of going to the bigger mosque where he usually went for the evening namaz, he said he would go to the smaller mosque, just five minutes away from his home. He had just finished namaz at the mosque, and was walking home, when the police arrived, and had begun to hit people in the streets with lathis. 

In the chaos, a gunshot rang out.

Suleiman fell.

His body was taken away by the police. 

SP Sanjeev Tyagi, in a statement to The Wire, said that a group of people had stolen the pistol of a sub-inspector, Ashish Tomar, and Suleiman was in that group. When the police gave chase, he says, Suleiman opened fire with a country pistol on the SWAT officer Mohit Kumar, who shot back in self defence.

He showed us a picture of Mohit Kumar, who has sustained an injury on the left side of his abdominal area – no puncture – where the bullet grazed his side. When he shot Suleiman, the bullet entered his abdomen. 

His sisters are baffled, and then outraged at the allegations. “Where would he have got a gun?” asks one.

“They are lying to save themselves.”

The weapon by which Suleiman allegedly shot Mohit Kumar has not been found. This statement from Tyagi does not come with a ballistics report, but is on the word of other policemen who saw what was happening, Tyagi claimed. 

Also read: These Are the 25 People Killed During Anti-Citizenship Amendment Act Protests

Tyagi says that when the shoot-out happened, the police collected around Mohit Kumar, and the protestors collected around Suleiman and each group took their man away. The family says this is not true. Suleiman’s uncle Anwar says that when the family found out Suleiman had been shot, they rushed to the spot to pick up his body. But when family members tried to take the body away, policemen stopped them at gunpoint. He says, “Chaati pe bandook rakh ke bola ki nahi le sakte hai. They said that he is dead, and if you do not leave, we will shoot you too.” 

Suleiman was taken by the police for a post mortem. The report, which the family had to fight to gain access to, was only given to them on December 25, five days after he had been killed. 

Anas, shot while out to buy milk

Anas was 20 years old. He used to work with his uncle in a business in Delhi which supplied coffee at weddings and other events, and when he came back to Rampur to visit, he used to do odd jobs – plumbing, attaching fittings. Anas had married “paune doh saal pehle”, and has a baby boy, Mohammad Adib, who is seven months old. He had been in Rampur for eight days when the protest took place. 

His mother is angry, and not just at the fact that her son is dead.

“For three days the media has been coming and asking questions. Our sons have died and they have made a spectacle of us.”

She is angry because they have not allowed them to bury her son’s body in the kabristan nearby, and that only the family could go for the funeral, and that the community could not attend. She is angry because her son was so young, and he has left behind a widow who is even younger with a baby. She is angry because her son is gone. 

Anas’s mother. Photo: Dheeraj Mishra

By all accounts, Anas was an effervescent boy. He was full of laughter, his mother said, he would constantly be teasing people at home. He used to pick up his grandmother and lift her into the air when she was cooking. He loved his family fiercely – if anyone ever said someone was beautiful, he would say, you haven’t seen my sisters. He had had a love marriage – his wife lived in the same neighbourhood. Anas was the one who chose his sister’s daughter’s name – Jannati. 

Anas’s father is a gentle, soft-spoken man, who works as a tailor. Where Anas’s mother is full of rage, he speaks to us with a quiet bewilderment.

He takes us to the place where it happened, in the dark. As the media has reported, Anas had gone out to buy milk. His father walked in his steps on that day – outside the house, a small road leads to a corner with a small open patch of land, maybe eight feet across. In front of that, is a small gate, and to the right of that is a tiny alley – a separation between two houses just wide enough for a person to walk through, which leads back out into the road where there are shops. 

Anas’s father walks through the alley and takes a single step, over an open water drain, and points to the shop on the right, where Anas would have gone to buy milk. “He just stepped out of the lane, and he heard the police, and turned his head to look,” he says, enacting the sequence of events, “And the bullet hit him straight in his eye,” he says, putting his finger to his own face in between his eye and his eyebrow. Woh gir gaya.” 

He stumbles carefully backward. He turns. He points to the blood on the street, that has seeped into the cracks. We have come four days after the blood has dried, and been walked into the cracks of the street, and it is still plainly visible. “We picked up his body and dragged him inside,” he said. Through the alley. Across the patch of land. Onto the corner. At the corner, 10 feet away from his own door, he points to the patch of blood where they had put down his body, checking if he was alive. 

Anas’s uncle shows me a picture of his head after he was shot. It is gruesome, with a large chunk of his skull laid open. 

The police say that his death happened when he was caught in the crossfire of a gun being fired by the crowd at the police. The street where it happened looks out into the large main road, where the protests had been taking place, and from where the police were coming into the lanes.

SP Tyagi, says that the area was communally sensitive, and the reason that the police had come out in force was to contain the communal violence that was threatening to break out. 

Tyagi says a Hindu by the name of Omraj Saini was also shot, and uses that as the basis for asserting that communal violence was taking place. He says that Saini has also filed an FIR, which the police are looking into. When The Wire made further enquiries into this, Saini’s family said that they have not filed any such FIR. When enquiries were made at the police station about the FIR, the police said their computer had broken down, which was why no FIRs in the name of Saini were found. 

Every single family we spoke to at the time said that there has never been a history of communal sensitivity in the area. Anas’s uncle says, “Holi bhi yahaan sabh khelte hai. Ham ek jaise rehte hai.”

Even now, there is no ill-will being borne towards any Hindu families, or the religion – there is only terror of the police. Tyagi in a statement to The Wire said that he was proud of the way his policemen handled the situation, saying that it was a ‘daunting task’ to contain a crowd that had grown so large.

Anas’s father said, “Everyone in the neighbourhood, if they were old or young, was his friend. If he saw you on the street, he would come and say ‘behna behna’, aur gale lagate. Woh bohot khushmajaz the. He wore his friend’s clothes more than he wore his own. If he saw good clothes, he would take pictures of them, pictures of pants –” his breath hitches, and tears run down his face. There is only the sound of his silent crying in the freezing night. 

He used to ask his father to make him new clothes, a new suit, and his father would say, I’ll make you one when you marry. At his sister’s wedding, he asked his father, when will you arrange my marriage, and his father said, you are too young, not yet. Then he fell in love with a girl from the neighbourhood, and at his wedding, his father finally made him his suit. 

His father says there are still three or four new kurtas lying at home, that Anas hasn’t even worn yet. His father makes clothes for a designer in Dubai that he calls “Loomer”. When he gave his son those, Anas said he didn’t want to wear white. “He wore checks, modern clothes, saying he wouldn’t wear those kinds of clothes – lafanga wale, jahil wale.”

He falls quiet. “Kya baat hai,” he says. Zindagi insaan ki. Mujhe kehna hai, ki jitne bhi ye neta log baithe hain, har shaakh pe ulloo baitha hai, anjaam-e-gulistan kya hoga.” (One owl is enough / to destroy the garden / What will happen if / There is an owl on every branch?)

He falls quiet. It is late. We are standing just beside his son’s blood. He looks up at me, smiles tiredly, and says with deep courtesy, “Ijazat chahta hoon.” I will take your leave.

He slowly walks back home.

Watch | Ground Report: What Caused the Violence in Muzaffarnagar?

Among the many places which saw protests in Uttar Pradesh was communally sensitive Muzaffarnagar.

Anti-Citizenship Amendment Act protests started at Meenakshi Chowk in Muzaffarnagar on December 20, after which the protesters also reached Shiv Murti Chowk and Mahavir Chowk. When did they get violent enough to warrant police action? The Wire visited the spot and spoke to eyewitnesses.

‘Reign of Terror’: Fact-Finding Team Returns From UP With Accounts of Targeted Police Violence

The team accused police of targetting Muslims and peaceful protesters across India’s most populous state. 

New Delhi: “For the last one week, Uttar Pradesh is under a reign of terror,” a group of political activists, who were part of a fact-finding team that just returned from the state, said while listing out several incidents of police crackdown on protesters against Citizenship Amendment Act and the proposed National Register of Citizens.

Addressing the media, the fact-finding team who recently visited Uttar Pradesh, including Swaraj Abhiyan leader Yogendra Yadav, Communist Party of India (ML)’s Kavita Krishnan, civil society group United Against Hate’s Nadeem Khan, and human rights activist Harsh Mander said that the state’s security situation is so volatile that a communal riot can break out at any point. 

They accused the police of fomenting such a situation while pointing out successive instances of how police have targeted Muslims and peaceful protesters across India’s most populous state. 

“The Uttar Pradesh government is employing unlawful and lethal tactics to harass and intimidate the citizens that are protesting against CAA and NRC,” Yadav said, adding that the police are “brazenly targeting” Muslims and civil society activists. 

“The goal is not just to suppress all dissent against CAA or NRC in Uttar Pradesh, but to send a signal to anyone who may dare to raise a voice against anything,” a press note released by them said. 

Over the last week, several instances in which the UP police have allegedly booked Muslims and dissenters in false cases have come to light. Moreover, reports of severe custodial torture have been reported. According to various reports, between 18 and 24 people have been killed in police firing.

Also read: These Are the 25 People Killed During Anti-Citizenship Amendment Act Protests

An eight-year-old boy was killed as the police lathi-charged the protesting crowd in Varanasi. 

“Those who have been killed are being framed in false cases. One of them, for example, was an e-rickshaw driver. His identity papers show he has lived in Delhi but has been staying in Meerut for some years. Now, the police has named him as the ‘mastermind of the riots’ and that he was the one who got many outsiders to participate in the riots. Everybody who knew this young man said this was a complete lie,” said Krishnan, who visited Meerut. 

The families have not been given the post-mortem reports of those who were killed, she said. 

“People in Muslim colonies are staying up all night to guard their houses. They are terrified of a police raid or a communal attack,” she added. 

She said she met a man, Habib, who son Ali was killed in police firing in Meerut. “I was so ashamed to even face him. He kept saying that his children grew up in the laps of his Hindu neighbours, and that they don’t see any hate in the eyes of the Hindus. Then why has this government turned against them. 

“A prejudiced government, which is filled with poison against Muslims, can’t decide through the National Popular Register who is a doubtful citizen and who is not. The government is trying to distract attention from such large-scale violence on its own people by showing one video clip of a stone pelter, or one arm-bearing protester, or a miscreant. We must ask whether such exceptions can justify the brutal police crackdown on people,” she said. 

The existing asylum laws enable all refugees to apply for Indian citizenship, highlighted Krishnan. “There was absolutely no necessity of a discriminatory law like CAA at the moment. You can’t think of a reason except that the government’s intention was to foment communal unrest,” said Krishnan.

Nadeem Khan said that while the highest number of attacks took place on Muslims, a large number of rights activists have also been arrested in Varanasi and Lucknow. “Throughout the state of Uttar Pradesh, you will find that police has sponsored hoardings seeking information on prominent activists. These activists are well-known, yet the police are calling people to share their information in return for rewards. There appears to be a competition between top police officials as to who would register the most number of FIRs,” he said.

“More than 1 lakh FIRs with anonymous accused have already been registered in UP over the last one week. More than 22,500 FIRs have been filed only in Kanpur; 5,500 in Muzaffarnagar; 5,000 in Meerut, 2,200 in Bahraich. This has allowed the police to detain anyone.”

The whole Muslim community is in anxiety, he said. 

“The terror is so much that people have fled their homes. In so many places, police first booked  people and then depending on their financial condition sought bribes to release them,” Khan added. 

More importantly, he asked, why is it that such incidents are being reported from only BJP-ruled states like UP, Assam, Karnataka or Delhi, where the Union government oversees the police. 

Senior police officials have claimed that police did not open fire to control the protesters. Photo: Reuters

Senior police officials have claimed that police did not open fire to control the protesters. Photo: Reuters

“Big protest rallies have happened across India, in Nagpur, Mumbai, Kolkata, and Jaipur. Not even one violent incident was reported. It is clear that the BJP governments have a role to play in creating a ruckus during peaceful protest rallies,” he said. 

Yadav said that such is the reign of terror that they were advised not to hold this press conference in Lucknow. 

“We got reports that all private hospitals in Meerut and Muzaffarnagar were strictly instructed by the police not to admit people with bullet injuries. They were admitted only in government hospitals, where families of the victims were not allowed to meet them at all,” he said. 

He said Muslims were being treated as foreigners in UP. Those arrested were not even allowed legal help. “Some advocates who reached out to victims were also arrested. Such is the state,” Yadav said. 

The team demanded immediate release of innocent detainees and Supreme Court-monitored probe on the police action. It also said that agencies like the National Human Rights Commission and National Minorities Commission should take suo motu cognisance of the excesses committed by the state government and order an inquiry. 

It said that if there were miscreants in the protest rallies, the police should duly gather all the evidence and proceed legally against them instead of creating an environment of fear and terror across the state.

“The state government should recognise that every citizen has the right to dissent in a democracy and register her protest. That should not be the pretext for police crackdown, as has happened in Uttar Pradesh,” Yadav said.