A crucial aspect of activism within the LGBTQ+ community is the political engagement and representation of transgender people in elections. The 2024 Lok Sabha election highlighted both the progress and challenges faced by transgender voters in the world’s largest democracy. Since the Supreme Court’s landmark judgment in NALSA vs. Union of India, which recognised transgender individuals as the third gender in 2014, significant steps have been taken to ensure the community’s political rights.
One of these was the Election Commission (EC) introducing the “other” gender category in voter registration forms. However, transgender individuals still encounter bureaucratic hurdles and societal discrimination. Despite legal recognition, societal acceptance and administrative ease remain crucial for true inclusivity. This article explores the current status of transgender voters, the obstacles they face and the strides made towards inclusivity in India’s electoral process.
Voter turnout in 2024 Lok Sabha elections
According to the EC, the transgender voter turnout for the 2024 Lok Sabha election across states and Union Territories was a mere 27.08%, indicating a significantly low participation rate. The turnout varied significantly across different states: Chandigarh and Himachal Pradesh saw a high turnout of 77.14%, whereas Delhi recorded a mere 28.01%. Other states, such as Uttar Pradesh, Assam, Haryana, and Bihar, had turnouts of 12.22%, 18.81%, 18.20%, and 6.40%, respectively.
Despite more than 48,000 transgender individuals registering by March 2024 – up from 39,683 in 2019 – it is a small fraction of India’s actual transgender population, estimated to be around 4,88,000 according to the now outdated 2011 Census.
2019 vs 2024 voter turnout
The overall voter turnout for transgender voters stood at a modest 14.58% in 2019. Puducherry emerged as an exception, with the highest turnout of transgender voters at 73.9%, indicating a relatively more inclusive political environment and possibly better awareness or mobilisation efforts targeted towards this group. This was followed by Chandigarh that recorded a turnout of 71.7%, reflecting a similar trend of active political participation among transgender individuals. In stark contrast, Bihar reported the lowest turnout at a mere 2.45%. This figure suggests considerable barriers to political engagement for transgender persons in Bihar, potentially including higher levels of social stigma, inadequate outreach efforts, or systemic challenges in voter registration and mobilisation.
In the 2024 election, turnout in Bihar increased but remained relatively low compared to other states. Maharashtra saw a noticeable increase in 2024 compared to 2019. Madhya Pradesh too showed an increase in transgender voter turnout this year in comparison to 2019.
The 2024 Lok Sabha election saw a general increase in transgender voter turnout compared to 2019, indicating a positive shift towards greater political engagement. States like Puducherry, Chandigarh, and Chhattisgarh set high benchmarks for participation, while Bihar, despite some improvement, still lagged behind.
This raises critical questions about the efficacy of government efforts and NGO advocacy since the 2014 NALSA judgment and the 2019 Transgender Rights Act. With 75% of transgender individuals not voting, systemic failures and complexities in identity verification persist, as many still vote under their biological identities. Political parties’ manifestos often overlook transgender issues. Despite low engagement, three transgender candidates ran in the 2024 election: Sunaina Kinnar from Dhanbad, Rajan Singh from South Delhi, and Durga Mausi from Damoh. While this shows that some progress has been made, the need for greater inclusion and representation persists.
Struggles beyond numbers
Political representation of the transgender community has seen gradual improvements, in terms of voter turnout, over time. However, the extent of representation remains insufficient. The personal narratives of transgender individuals underscore the enduring challenges they face in the electoral process.
Riya*,a 27-year-old transgender woman from Delhi, who has to rely on sex work and begging to make ends meet, said,“The system is very slow. If we say anything, those in authority think it is nonsense. My voter card has not been made despite applying long ago. Inquiries are dismissed with excuses like the BLO being on leave. This process is disheartening and does not affect my life significantly. Regardless of the election outcomes, I still earn my living through sex work, and this is unlikely to change.”
Another transgender woman, Priya*, who runs an art gallery, shared her struggle in being able to vote despite having a voter ID card. “I did not go to vote because I work in Dwarka and have to return home to vote. There is no travel allowance from the government, and I have no steady source of income. I previously engaged in sex work and begging, which I disliked. I now run a painting business but lack funding. The government’s failure to support us adequately forces us back into sex work and begging, making us a laughing stock,” the 29-year-old said.
“The police do not accept our identity cards, demanding Aadhaar cards instead. Explaining our situation is exhausting. The policies are complex, and accessing them is a battle in itself,” said 31-year-old Aisha* who works in an NGO.
These testimonials show that everyday hurdles, lack of sensitisation and distrust in the government contribute to low voter turnout. Central to these issues is the challenge of identity recognition, as articulated by American philosopher Nancy Fraser’s concept of the “Three Rs”: Redistribution, Recognition, and Representation. The struggle for identity recognition is paramount for the transgender community, impacting their ability to participate fully in the democratic process.
Fraser’s theory underscores the importance of social justice encompassing both economic redistribution and cultural recognition. For Transgender individuals, achieving identity recognition is fundamental, as it influences their access to rights and resources. The lack of proper identification documents, and the complex procedures to obtain them, exemplify that challenge. Without recognition, redistribution and representation efforts remain inadequate. While numbers indicate some progress in voter turnout, the persistent struggle for identity recognition and everyday barriers underscore the need for systemic change to ensure genuine inclusivity for transgender voters.
The 2014 NALSA judgment and subsequent legal recognitions have increased visibility and rights for the transgender community. Higher voter registration and turnout in states like Chandigarh and Himachal Pradesh indicate a positive shift towards greater political engagement. However, addressing administrative barriers, enhancing societal awareness, and fostering inclusive political discourse are essential for genuine inclusion. The progress seen today offers hope for a more inclusive democracy where every citizen, regardless of gender identity, has a voice and place.
*Names changed to maintain confidentiality.
Neelima Paswan is a research scholar at KR Narayanan Center for Dalit and Minorities Studies (CDMS), Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.