Want Anonymity on the Internet? ICANN Thinks You Can’t

A new policy document from ICANN asks if it can eliminate private domain registrations

No more masks? Source: Fanpop

No more masks? Source: Fanpop

Your face. When you commit murder and someone sees your face, you’re given away. Even if it was your evil identical twin who did it, the police now know where to start looking. A person’s face is one of the fundamental modes of physical identity, and its ability to correspond to a unique individual is matched in precision only by more sophisticated ID-ing techniques like DNA-profiling and fingerprints. However, life on the Internet obviates the need for any of these techniques not just because virtual murder isn’t (yet) a crime but also because identity on the web can be established using non-physical information – like an encrypted password.

Generating this information is remarkably easy, cost-effective, and non-intrusive – to the extent that a person can have multiple identities on the web. This has proven both good and bad, but far more good than bad. The fair use of multiple identities, many of which are typically redundant, is what has made whistleblowing possible and encouraged satire. Being a whistleblower or a satirist just physically renders you always liable to physical retaliation, but on the web, you can be both persons at once – the content citizen and the disenfranchised contractor. At the heart of this realm of human enterprise is the need for the services that provide anonymity to also be anonymous. If not, they will simply make for that proverbial trail of blood.

It is this need for anonymity that a new policy document from the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers tries to eliminate.

ICANN is an organisation based out of Los Angeles and responsible for managing the technical infrastructure of the Internet. Its policy document on the subject, published on the web on May 5, is open for public comments. After that, a Working Group will “review” the comments and prepare a final report due July 21 this year. And if the final report speaks against anonymisation services like proxies that provide a layer of opacity so a user’s information doesn’t show up in a search, a lot of websites are going to be in trouble. In fact, while the proposal is targeted at “commercial” websites, the World Intellectual Property Organisation considers websites that run ads to be commercial. This doesn’t limit the dragnet in a way it deserves to be because it endangers even harmless blogs.

One of the simplest ways to look for information about who owns a domain is to perform a WHOIS lookup. For example, looking up theladiesfinger.com throws up the following information about the domain:

Domain Name: THELADIESFINGER.COM
Registrar URL: http://www.godaddy.com
Registrant Name: Registration Private
Registrant Organization: Domains By Proxy, LLC
Name Server: NS17.DOMAINCONTROL.COM
Name Server: NS18.DOMAINCONTROL.COM
DNSSEC: unsigned

At the time of purchasing the domain, some domain registrars give an option for the purchaser to pay a fee and mask these details from showing up on lookups. If someone really wants to access them, they’d have to get a court order. The ICANN proposal wants to abolish this option. Effectively, it’s the removal of discretionary access that’s tantamount to denying what’s increasingly being called a new fundamental right: the right to encryption, and with it the right to anonymity. Without it, domains like theladiesfinger.com could be susceptible to increased harassment that they’ve been able to easily dodge until now*.

An entertainment-industry lobby called the Coalition for Online Accountability has been rooting for the proposal – for it will unlock access to private registrations that make up at least 20% of all domains on the web, many of which, according to the COA, deserve to be shut down for trading in pirated content. Its argument against retaining the private registrations system is that the authorities in many foreign countries often aren’t cooperative when investigating intellectual property theft. In fact, the coalition seems very eager to push through the proposed policy, going by a testimony it submitted on May 13, 2015, stating that “if a satisfactory accreditation system cannot be achieved in the near future within the ICANN structure, it would be timely and appropriate for Congress to consider whether a legislative solution is feasible”.

Tens of thousands of comments have been submitted to date, and most of them speak against removing private registrations for commercial websites. A bulk of them also use the same language – hopefully the result of a targeted campaign and not astroturfing.

Dear ICANN –

Regarding the proposed rules governing companies that provide WHOIS privacy services (as set forth in the Privacy and Policy Services Accreditation Issues Policy document):

I urge you to respect internet users’ rights to privacy and due process.
– Everyone deserves the right to privacy.
– No one’s personal information should be revealed without a court order, regardless of whether the request comes from a private individual or law enforcement agency.

Private information should be kept private. Thank you.

The last day to submit comments is July 7. They can be emailed to: comments-ppsai-initial-05may15@icann.org.

*There are many groups on the web that, on the face of it, just don’t like women doing things. While a Pew Research Centre study found that men are “somewhat more likely than women to experience at least one of the elements of online harassment”, the intensity of harassment has been greater toward women.

It is Not the Job of Courts to Arrange ‘Compromise Marriages’ of Rape Survivors

The rights of the rapist-as-husband are a macabre gift of modern Indian law, to be framed along with other celebratory pictures of patriarchal justice in the archives of our male-dominated courts.

The rights of the rapist-as-husband are a macabre gift of modern Indian law, to be framed along with other celebratory pictures of patriarchal justice in the archives of our male-dominated courts

Georgetown panorama. CC-by-sa PlaneMad/Wikimedia

Panoramic view of Madras High Court and its surroundings. CC-by-sa PlaneMad/Wikimedia

By granting interim bail to a rape accused in order to arrange mediation between him and his victim, the Madras High Court has formalised the routine but illegal practice of out-of-court settlements most commonly known as ‘compromise’.

Rape is a non-compoundable crime. This means that opposing parties cannot bargain and settle out of court, thereby affecting the outcome of the trial. Although appellate judges have ruled that individuals cannot compromise rape cases, rape cases are routinely compromised in the courts.

In 2013, the Supreme Court refused to mitigate the sentence of a rapist on the basis of a compromise, observing that ‘rape is a non-compoundable offence’ and it ‘is not a matter to be left for the parties to compromise and settle’. Similarly, the Supreme Court has held that the ‘offer of the rapist to marry the victim’ is not a ‘relevant reason’ to mitigate a sentence.

Courts have also declined to grant bail on the grounds of compromise. For instance, in the case of the gang rape of a pregnant woman, the Patna High Court rejected the defence argument that bail must be granted since a compromise petition had been filed in the Chief Judicial Magistrate’s court. The Delhi High Court has also decried the legal strategy of appealing to the courts to quash a rape case after a compromise.

The reality of what a compromise means is brought home by several judgments which note how the survivor or a relative committed suicide or was murdered for resisting a settlement with her rapist. Family members, community leaders, panchayats, lawyers or even the police routinely initiate compromises – putting enormous pressure on the victim to turn hostile. In one Himachal Pradesh case, the police pressurised the complainant to compromise, and once the case was publicised, her father committed suicide. Commenting on the Central Bureau of Investigation, the Kerala High Court has observed that ‘the investigators appear to be more interested in persuading the petitioner to settle and compromise the dispute rather than to ensure that the offenders are brought to book’. Compromise masks systemic terror, intimidation and pressure.

One set of compromise cases rests on the idea that an offer to marry the rape victim is grounds for the court to grant bail, quash a case or reduce the sentence. These cases address different kinds of subjectivities than the love affairs some times criminalised as rape.

The idea that a rape survivor must be married to the rape accused is premised on the assumption that rape is a form of social death. It is seen as an appropriate form of social rehabilitation for a woman to marry the very man who raped her.

Despite the Supreme Court judgments on the illegality of compromise, the latest Madras High Court order directs rape cases into the system of alternate dispute resolution (ADR) with the explicit aim of arranging marriage.

When courts arrange marriages as if they were marriage brokers, they inaugurate a new form of marriage, sociologically speaking. These newer forms of socio-legal marriages, which may be characterized as “compromise marriages”, amount to legally-mandated forced marriages. “Compromise marriages” are a comprehensive violation of a woman’s right to be human, her right to life and dignity; and freedom of choice and expression.

The excited horror that the victim is an unwed mother leads the Madras High Court to grant bail to the accused and arrange the grotesque performance of mediation. The court is not concerned with the wishes of the victim, who according to one interview categorically says that she loathes the idea of marrying the man who raped her.“ He is coming for a compromise so that he can be out of prison. I hate the very sight of him and how can I live with him as man and wife?”, she said.

The court is not concerned abut whether the accused would rape his victim again, if married to her; nor is there concern about the safety of the child in the care of a rapacious father.

No matter what danger a child may face from a rapacious father, the single most important thing on the mind of some judges seems to be his or her father’s name or patrilineage. For we are told that social order would descend into chaos if unwed mothers were given dignity, or if their children were to inherit their mother’s name or matrilineage.

Given that marital rape is not a crime since our courts and politicians believe marriage is a sacrament, the rape accused has a license to rape the victim repeatedly after the “compromise marriage”. The law protects him against future prosecution.

To treat a rape case as an ADR case means a crime is equated to a private dispute between two parties. How can a non-compoundable criminal offence be directed to ADR style mediation? Here a rape case is treated as if it were a matrimonial dispute in a family court.

This is not an illustration of what Marc Galanter calls the “debased informalism” of our legal system. Rather it is an outrageous illustration of the privatisation of state law such that the distinction between formal and informal state law is collapsed. In place of the rule of law, you see the birth of rule of custom – where custom is what judges invent in the name of patriarchal “justice”. Such state customs displace criminal and constitutional law using the court’s inherent jurisdiction to do justice.

Instead of enhancing the quality of life for rape survivors, the Madras High Court upholds patriarchal notions of justice, which are shot through with illegible references to religion thoroughly displacing constitutional law.

Forced into marriage, where rights to complain against sexual abuse are suspended, marriage to a rapist is solely constituted through the desire and the right of the husband over the traumatised mind and body of the wife-victim. The rights of the rapist-as-husband are then a macabre gift of modern Indian law, to be framed along with other celebratory pictures of patriarchal justice in the archives of our male-dominated courts.

Pratiksha Baxi is associate professor at the Centre for the Study of Law and Governance, Jawaharlal Nehru University. She is the author of Public Secrets of Law: Rape Trials in India (2014, OUP)

The Khooni Kissa of Turkman Gate

“When there were loud knocks on the gate, Imam Mohammed had thought that the police were trying to scare them in opening the door. But a loud crunch on the door dispelled his illusions. The police were using a battering ram.”

Turkman Gate. Credit: Wikimedia Commons, BY-SA

Turkman Gate. Credit: Wikimedia Commons, BY-SA

This is an excerpt from the chapter “Turkman Gate” from the book For Reasons of State: Delhi Under the Emergency by John Dayal and Ajoy Bose, both of whom were reporters for the Patriot newspaper. The Turkman Gate incident was one of the more notorious of the Emergency, which was declared by Indira Gandhi on June 26, 1975. The book was published soon after the Emergency was lifted and general elections called. It was released by George Fernandes.

The Khooni Kissa of Turkman Gate

John Dayal and Ajoy Bose

Imam Hafiz Mohammed of Dargah Faiz-e-elahi Masjid had nearly finished the Monday prayers when the police came to the mosque. He had fervently prayed to Allah to stop the massacre outside and protect his congregation for the last 15 minutes. But Allah seemed to have deserted the Faiz-e-elahi mosque and its Imam on this day.

The Masjid’s huge main door had already been bolted to prevent the police coming in but it was just a precautionary measure. Imam Mohammed had not really imagined the police would enter the holy place.

When there were loud knocks on the gate, Imam Mohammed had thought that the police were trying to scare them in opening the door. But a loud crunch on the door dispelled his illusions. The police were using a battering ram on the gate. He had fixed the gate just a month back and the bill had come to over seven thousand rupees. The Imam’s heart sank as he thought the damages to the door would be the least of the things damaged that day.

The congregation was getting restless. The battering outside had risen to a crescendo. Finally, with a crash the gate broke open. Through the door poured in policemen.

“Stop, this is the house of Allah”, the Imam screamed, his face a mask of fear and anger. But his voice was drowned in the screams of the 300 odd men, women and children as the police fell on them.

There was no escape from the police lathis in the small confined space of the mosque. One by one the people were being dragged out.

But it was by no means an easy task for the police. The people clung desperately to the walls and windows of the Masjid. They clung on despite the rain of lathis and blows by the police. The Masjid to them was still safer than the rampage going on outside.

“Okay, gas the bastards out of the Masjid”, ordered a police officer. Two tear gas shells landed right inside the Masjid. In the closed space, the gas was murder. This brought the people running out of the Masjid like ants from an anthill. Just a few minutes of the gas and a person could choke to death.

Little Usman had lost track of his mother in the bedlam. Because he was small, he had been able to dodge the lathis and blows till now. But gas was another thing. His eyes blinded by tears, Usman ran hither and thither inside the mosque, but in the mad stampede he could not locate where the door was. His breath came in heavy pants.

“Amma Jan”, he screamed. “Where are you?! Save me!” But Amma Jan was enveloped in the blanket of the gas which was slowly choking the life out of Usman. Someone stepped on him heavily but Usman was beyond feeling. The gas had taken his life.

Eighty-year-old Abdus Sattar crouched terrified next to the wall. He had been the sweeper of the Masjid for more years than he could remember. Never had he seen such a scene of bedlam. Screams, lathis, tear gas and blood – Abdus Sattar closed his eyes and prayed to Allah. But soon the gas got to him. Coughing desperately, Abdus Sattar ran for the door.

He was caught just as he had managed to grope his way to the door. Dragging him by the neck was a burly constable. “I will come with you, but just let me go to the latrine once,” cried Abdus. The answer came in a huge blow on his head, then everything blacked out for Abdus Sattar.

Imam Hafiz Mohammed had managed to retreat into one of the inner rooms of the Masjid.

“Hai, Allah”, he prayed, “Help your children, how long will this massacre go on?”

“Where are you, Allah?” came a voice behind him. In the doorway stood two police constables and a Nehru Brigade man. It was the Nehru Brigade man who spoke.

“Bring your Khuda, Imam, and see what we do to him. Come on let’s see, bring out your Allah, I want to see him,” he jeered.

“I am the Imam of the Masjid. Do not touch a holy man. My blood will be on your head,” the Imam shrank back. His heart gave a sudden leap as he remembered that his little son was sleeping in the next room.

“Where have you hidden the rest of them, Imam? We know that some of them are hiding in the next room,” as he smashed the door of the next room. The Imam ran to stop him but he was grabbed by the neck by one of the constables.

“Ah, what have we here. Your son, Imam,” the Nehru Brigade man’s voice, a sibilant whisper. “Don’t hurt him, he is only a little boy,” the Imam cried.

“Arrest both of them,” the Nehru Brigade man ordered.

“Okay, I will come along with you but don’t hurt my son.” The Imam had surrendered. But his little boy tried to run. A lathi caught him in the thigh and he fell on the floor. The Imam jumped to guard the boy. A lathi blow crashed on his left arm, breaking it instantaneously.

“Soften up this dog of a Imam a bit. It will take out some of the love of Allah out of him,” the Nehru Brigade man barked.

Imam Hafiz Mohammed prayed on while the blows rained down on him.

“Allah, all these insults, all these humiliation to you, and your Imam. Punish them Allah. Let them remember what they did to your Masjid forever,” the Imam prayed, as he was dragged outside.

In just half an hour the Masjid had become an abattoir. Blood lay in pools on the ground and the air was noxious with fumes of tear gas and groans and moans of the injured congregation. Doors, windows and furniture had been smashed and the cash box of the Masjid containing a few thousand rupees had been looted by the marauding policemen. It had been a wholesale affair.

Outside on the road the battle was not so unequal. There was space to fight back and men had joined the women to keep up the stone-storm which still kept off the police at a distance from the houses of Turkman Gate. Fresh reinforcements had come from Jama Masjid to help the people and the mob had swelled to over three thousand strong.

DIG Bhinder himself was in charge of the operations but never had he in his life seen such unbending resistance from a mob. Normally, the first few rounds of gunfire were enough to dispel any mob. But these people were mad men. They still would not allow the bulldozers to come in.

Right in front of him was a man jumping up and down. A giant of a man. In one hand he held a lathi and with the other he lifted his lungi and showed his genitals to the DIG. His abuses reached Bhinder even over the sound of gunfire and screams.

“What are you staring for,” Bhinder shouted at a subordinate. “Get the son of a bitch.”

It was easier said than done. The first policeman to reach him was smashed down like a match box by the man. So was the second and the third. The man stood like a colossus daring to mock the whole of Delhi Police.

They got him finally. About a dozen policemen brought him down with a crash. For minutes all that could be seen were flailing lathis falling on the supine body of the giant. But not a scream escaped from the giant’s lips. Not even a single groan. His body twitched spasmodically even after the policemen had left him for some time and then finally lay still.

Another man was spotted on the terrace of a house lifting his lungi and showing his genitals to the police below. Orders were given to shoot him down. For some time it seemed that he bore a charmed life against bullets. He remained a grotesque, obscene figure silhouetted against the sky screaming imprecations against the battery of guns firing at him below, till the figure gave a sudden jerk, lifted his hands and then fell like a stone down from the terrace on to the road. A bullet had found him at last.

But for all their heroism, the people of Turkman Gate were slowly pushed back by the police when suddenly help came from unexpected quarters.

A mob of more than 500 men attacked the police force from behind.

They came from the direction of Delite Cinema on Asaf Ali Road. They had been enraged because one of their womenfolk had been shot down as she was passing Turkman Gate just a few minutes back. The men, like all residents of poor colonies, had no love lost for the police and the death of one of their women had put all considerations out of their mind.

Barely had the police recovered from this surprise attack when another mob attacked them on the left flank. This mob came from the Hamdard Dawakhana side. Some of their relatives too had got hurt in the firing and lathi charge.

Taking advantage of this, the fighters at Turkman Gate again pushed forward chucking stones, soda bottles and acid bulbs at the retreating lines of policemen. They were more organised now.

A crowd surrounded the police chowki and the two or three constables inside barely managed to escape with their life. The people had taken over the police chowki.

There was jubilation among the people. This was the police chowki where many of them had been brought before. They had been arrested, harassed or beaten up here. Now, they controlled the chowki.

The phone rang inside the chowki. One of the crowd picked it up. “This is the Deputy Commissioner speaking, what is the situation at Turkman Gate?” the voice on the other side said.

“Murderer, bastard,” a stream of abuses poured into the receiver.

Sitting in his office, the Deputy Commissioner panicked. “Hullo, is that the Turkman Gate police chowki? Who is that speaking?”

“This is your baap,” [father] replied a hoarse voice filled with hatred.

This was too much for the Commissioner. He put down the phone abruptly and then picked it up again.

“Send reinforcements to Turkman Gate at once,” he spoke into the phone. “They have taken over the police chowki.”

The Commissioner then called for his driver. “Turkman Gate,” he ordered as he settled down on the back seat of his car.

For so long the police had fired sporadic volleys. After the capture of the police chowki by the crowd, they fired in a steady stream. They were shooting to kill now.

The western horizon was red. Four o’clock in the afternoon and blood flowed down Turkman Gate. Their short-lived jubilation had turned sour as the bullets cut them down one by one. Nobody, not even the people of Turkman Gate, could take so much punishment.

The mob was being pushed back again.

“Run, run for your life bhaiya [brother]. Run back into the lanes,” even as Rais Ahmed told his brother he saw him slump down with a bullet in his chest. He ran backward dragging his brother’s limp body. Must get to a doctor, he thought to himself.

But where would there be a doctor at Turkman Gate at that time? The injured who could be recovered from the battle lines by their friends and relatives had been brought to a lodge deep inside Turkman Gate where a makeshift hospital had been set up by the people. Torn clothes substituted for bandages and the women cleaned up the wounds as best as they could. For the seriously injured, there was little hope of survival.

The sea of khaki now threatened to swallow Turkman Gate. The crowd had fled the police chowki and there sat the District Commissioner making hurried phone calls. “The situation is coming under control, sir,” he spoke into the phone.

“Good,” the voice on the other side said, “but be sure to smash all resistance completely before you stop.”

The police had come right up to the inner ring of houses of Turkman Gate and scores of them began to enter them. A new wave of carnage had started.

At Karta 3393 Turkman Gate, Husnah Begum lay huddled quivering with fear as she heard the sounds of gunfire and shouts outside her room. Her little boy Akbar cringed next to her as there were loud knocks on the bolted door.

“Open up. This is the police,” shouted a voice.

The woman and child kept silent.

“We will break down the door if you don’t open up,” the voice shouted louder.

Akbar crawled even closer to his mother. Then a loud church and the door gave away.

Husnah Begam closed her eyes. She tried not to open them through her ordeal with the foul smelling constable. Her soft whimpering only once rose to a scream when she heard the cries of little Akbar as he was smashed to the ground with a rifle butt. A strange darkness now surrounded her.

Just a few yards away, pretty, bright-eyed Salena Begum was fighting like a wild cat the burly constable who had broken into her room. The constable had already felt her nails and teeth.

“This is a tough bitch. I can’t manage her alone. Come and help me,” the constable called to one of his friends outside.

Two constables against one woman. Yet Salena fought. Biting, kicking and screaming, she dragged both of them from one corner of the room to the other of the room as they tried to tear off her burkha. Salena Begum would go down the hard way.

The scene had shifted from the demolition spot to inside the houses that remained standing in Turkman Gate. The firing had subsided as the police steadily poured into the lanes and by-lanes hunting for their kill.

Inside the Girdhar Lal Panna Lal Lace and Gota Factory, one of the oldest industrial units of Turkman Gate, were trapped 60 workers. They had reported for duty as usual in the morning. When violence had erupted all around the factory, the proprietor of the factory had quietly slipped away leaving the workers and the supervisor to deal with the situation.

The workers were defending the factory like their own homes. The machines were their bread. Nobody, neither the demolition squads nor the mob outside, would be allowed to touch the machines, the workers had vowed.

But the situation had rapidly worsened. The main gate was bolted, the fleeing mob could enter the factory and set it on fire. The supervisor panicked. He phoned up the police chowki and asked for help to evacuate himself and the workers.

The police came soon after. But before the workers could open the gates for them, the police broke through the gates themselves. Hundreds of them poured in and fell like wolves upon the unsuspecting workers.

They were beaten up mercilessly and then packed like dogs into the police van. The only fault of the workers had been that they wanted to defend the factory.

Curfew was declared at 5.30 in the evening. And then followed a systematic wave of looting and raping. Most of the men had either been arrested now or fled from the area. Only the women and children remained unguarded in their houses.

Razia Begum had been waiting for her husband for over an hour in her house but still no sign of him. There was a knock at the door and she eagerly went to open it. She found the figure of a police constable instead of her husband.

“Take off your earrings,” he ordered. Razia gave him her earrings.

“Where do you hide your other jewellery?” Helpless, Razia directed him to the little box where her jewellery was and their accumulated saving over the years.

“And now your clothes.” Razia pointed to the suit cases beside the bed.

“Not the clothes in your suitcase. The clothes on your body.” The constable showed his betel-stained teeth.

Razia’s eyes widened with terror. With a wild lunge she managed to dodge the constable grasping arm and ran out onto the verandah. Below lay a 40-foot drop to the ground.

“Come back, woman. What are your trying?” the constable shouted from behind.

Razia Begum closed her eyes and jumped. The pavement rose to meet her with a sickening thud.

It was getting dark in Turkman Gate. Red flocks still coloured the dark sky as the sun sank further. A hush had fallen, though occasionally the silence would be broken by screams or hysterical sobbing.

Not a light showed at any of the houses. The electricity had been cut off. So had the water and telephone connections. It was as if Turkman Gate had been disowned by the rest of the city.

The silence was broken suddenly by a weird crankling and croaking of machines. It seemed as if some primordial monster was laughing at the face of Turkman Gate. The bulldozers had started moving again.

Arrayed like a tank squadron, 16 bulky shadows came to life as the light of day completely went out. Their ugly snouts shaking as they moved forward. They seemed to be chortling with glee. There were no obstacles in front of them now.

Nineteen year old Suleiman heard the sound of the bulldozers as he crouched inside a half demolished house. He had managed to escape and hide here. Nobody would think of looking in here. He was a bit worried about his brother. They had arrested him. Tomorrow he must try and bail him out, Suleiman thought.

The sound of bulldozers did not mean anything to Suleiman at first. It must be the police trucks going off, he thought. The sound came closer and closer.

This was no truck, it flashed through Suleiman’s brain. Trucks don’t make this sort of a noise. What could it be? Suleiman wondered as the noise grew louder and louder. He dared not look out lest he be discovered by a passing constable.

The noise seemed to be heading towards the house in which Suleiman crouched. And as it was almost upon him, Suleiman knew it was a bulldozer.

He opened his mouth to scream but his scream was drowned in the growl of the bulldozers as its 12-foot blade smashed its way into the house, mixing Suleiman’s body into the rubble. Then the monsters moved on to destroy further.

The darkness was suddenly lit by high-powered searchlights and the waste that was Turkman Gate lay stark and bare under their piercing rays.

The 16 bulldozers kept on moving. They did not stop that night, nor the next day or night. In fact the bulldozers worked round the clock till April 22, till they had decimated all signs of life as well as death in Turkman Gate.

The rubble was scooped up into trucks and thrown behind the Ring Road every day where buzzards and jackals were seen rummaging through the rubble. Only the stink of stale meat which hung for days together over the thrown rubble remained to tell the story of the life and death struggle of the people of Turkman Gate.

Get Wired 25/6: Criminal Neta, FDI in Media, Greenpeace Resignations, IIMs Upset, and More

1. Japan trumps China for Bangladesh port

matarbariIn a setback to China which had plans of building a port about 25 km away, Japan is all set to start construction of the 18m-deep port at Matarbari on Bangladesh’s South-East coast by January 2016. China is trying to develop closer economic and military ties in South Asia, which sits astride sea lanes that carry about 80% of its oil imports. Financing a port in the Bay of Bengal would have been an important strategic move for it. While economics may have played a part, one reason Bangladesh opted to have the port financed by Japan could be out of sensitivity to India, the United States and its allies, who share growing concerns about China’s expanding strategic footprint in Asia.

2. IIMs up in arms over erosion of autonomy

IIM Ahmedabad, Bengaluru and Lucknow have expressed their concerns over clauses 35 and 36 in the Indian Institutes of Management Bill, 2015. While the overall Bill purports to grant statutory status to the IIMs enabling them to grant degrees, th two clauses apparently take away powers that have so far been vested in the board of governors, which will result in the board being reduced to a recommending body subordinate to decisions of the ministry.

3. Yashwant says growth more ‘statistical’ than real

Yashwant-Sinha-PTI-Nov23Former finance minister Yashwant Sinha has openly criticised the Narendra Modi government for its claims of effecting an economic recovery.

The BJP veteran said the numbers being cited by the government are merely statistical and not real, merely reflecting a change in norms. Sinha further went on to mock the government for sidelining senior party leaders, saying that all those above 75 years were declared brain dead on May 26, 2014.

4. India is 10th highest emitter per capita

The World Resource Institute has come out with statistics about carbon emissions ahead of the Paris Climate Summit. India which is 4th highest highest emitter of greenhouse gases over all ranks 10th in the list of per capita emissions. The data comes as good news for India which is known to use the ‘per capita’ yardstick to demand more comprehensive actions from rich nations. Six of the top 10 emitters are developing countries with China topping the list at 25% of total global emissions.

5. JP’s memorial to be built at his birthplace in Bihar

jayaprakash_18165_7DhwP_6943Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh has announced that socialist icon Jayprakash Narayan, who had spearheaded the fight against the Emergency will be honoured with a memorial in his birthplace in Bihar. This came along with a number of decisions to honour Narayan who was known among his followers as JP. The move is being criticised  due to the timing of the announcements, which come ahead of the Bihar elections set for September. The Home Minister has rubbished claims of political motivations, stating that honouring the contributions of great people should not be seen through the prism of politics.

6. India among the worst for female entrepreneurs

The 2015-Female Entrepreneurship Index has ranked India 70th among 77 countries. The index, aimed at identifying which countries provide a level playing field for entrepreneurs notwithstanding gender, takes into account parameters such as labour force parity and access to first tier finance. India was among the 47 countries with a score lower than 50 out of 100. India’s poor performance has been attributed to the inability of women to provide collateral for credit as well as a misogynistic mindset that does not encourage women to take loans.

7. Jindal to run for President of the US

Bobby Jindal. Photo by by Gage Skidmore, CC BY-SA 3.0 via Wikimedia Commons

Louisiana Governor Bobby Jindal announced on his website on Wednesday that he is running for President of the United States of America. This makes him the first person of Indian origin to run for the job. It is anticipated that he will officially announce his candidature in New Orleans soon.

Jindal has a tough race ahead of him considering he usually ranks near the bottom in polls of Republicans seeking the nomination for the November 2016 presidential election.

8. Greenpeace India officials resign

Following an internal review of Greenpeace India’s handling of two sexual harassment cases, the Executive Director of Greenpeace India, Samit Aich, resigned on Wednesday along with Programme Director Divya Raghunandan. The Greenpeace India Board has also decided to commission a full, independent audit to improve the process of handling sexual harassment cases within the NGO and to create a safe working environment for women.

9. HC allows man to settle rape case through mediation

250px-Chennai_High_CourtIn a ruling that is in clear contravention of  a Supreme Court judgment in similar matters, the Madras High Court has allowed a man found guilty of raping a minor to settle the matter through mediation. Not only does the ruling not adhere to precedent but it also raises questions about the approach of the higher judiciary towards issues relating to women and gender. A 2014 ruling of the Supreme Court had clearly stated that rape was a non-compoundable offence with no scope for mediation or settlement between parties. Madras HC Judge P. Devadass in his judgment on the bail plea of a man imprisoned for rape of a minor said it was a “fit case for attempting compromise between the parties. ‘Mediation’ mode is best suited to them.”

10. WikiLeaks reveals US spied on French Presidents

In the wake of WikiLeaks releasing documents revealing that the US was spying on the presidents of France from 2006 to 2012, France summoned the US ambassador on Wednesday to complain. The White House released a statement saying it was not targeting President Francois Hollande’s communication and would not do so in the future, but it did not comment on past activities. Meanwhile, a government spokesperson said France will send a top intelligence official to the US to discuss the leaked reports.

11. More FDI in media on the anvil?

Information and Broadcasting Minister Arun Jaitley recently reviewed a departmental presentation on the case to review sectoral FDI caps in the media. The Modi government is said to have begun discussions on foreign investment in both the print and broadcast news sectors. If the cap is raised, it will lead to the infusion of global capital in a fast growing sector. Though India has been steadily opening up its economy, concerns about national security as well as reservations by Indian media owners have kept the print limit in FDI to 26 per cent so far.

12. JD(U) MLA arrested for murder

jdu_2450079fThree-time MLA Anant Singh, who is a member of the ruling JD(U), was arrested from Patna for the murder of Putush Yadav alias Pawan Kumar. The MLA faces over 40 criminal cases including those of land grabbing. The arrest came amidst mounting pressure from both the opposition and allies in the wake of a statement by the police  that the criminals arrested in connection with the murder had named Singh.

 

 

In Riot-Hit Muzaffarnagar, a Beacon for Female Victims of Violence

Women are among the worst hit in rioting. Protecting their rights is Astitva’s mission.

Rehana. Adeeb. Credit: Siddharth  Adelkar

Rehana Adeeb. Credit: Siddharth Adelkar

Muzzafarnagar: Rehana Adeeb’s phone won’t stop ringing.  After answering a few calls, she switches off her mobile. “The calls will continue. We won’t be able to talk properly,” she explains.  We are in a nondescript building in Muzaffarnagar district, Western Uttar Pradesh. It functions as an office from where Rehana manages the operations of her NGO Astitva,  one of the few local organisations that worked with people affected by the communal riots of 2013 that broke out in Muzaffarnagar and Shamli districts.

Several files are stacked against a wall with labels like ‘honour killing’, ‘rape’ and ‘domestic violence’ scrawled on the covers. Under Rehana’s guidance, her co-workers Rani, Usman and Gaurav take print-outs, type out emails, and place newspaper clippings in the files.

The recent framing of charges of 4 accused in the Muzaffarnagar gangrape case that happened during the 2013 violence has thrown her work into sharp focus. Astitva has been involved in helping women with legal support in several rape cases that have been registered in the aftermath of the riots.

“I was not always a worldly woman or a person with politics,” says Rehana. She says she had been raped as a child and later forced to drop out of school and married off well before she turned 18. The birth of five daughters in succession and the continued stigma attached to rape meant Rehana’s early years were anything but idyllic. In her late twenties, she strayed into a meeting of Disha, a local women’s rights organisation in Saharanpur in the year 1989.  “Wearing a burqa, with a baby in tow, I attended the meeting where people said women could speak against oppression, lodge an FIR with the police and that it is important not to be ashamed. They were singing revolutionary songs. I felt such tumult that sleep eluded me that night.”

Rehana started attending Disha meetings, embarking on a journey of women’s rights activism. It wasn’t easy. Her efforts were met with beatings in the family and ostracisation by neighbours. Undeterred, she started working with abused women and the government-run Mahila Samakhya programme, and finally established an NGO, Astitva in 2005.  She set up an Astitva office in Muzaffarnagar because she felt the lack of an organisation working on women’s rights in an area which was rife with honour killing and violence against women in the Jat and Muslim communities.

A climate of violence

Credit: Usman Mehandi

Astitva volunteers. Credit: Usman Mehandi

Rehana’s philosophy of working with oppressed women in small towns and villages led her to undertake peace-building work in the run-up to, and following, the Muzaffarnagar riots. “I knew women and children would be crushed in the riots for which the atmosphere was building up.  There were reports of people with beards being roughed up and pushed out of trains, of gun firing outside mosques. We had 8-10 dialogues on communal harmony in Muzaffarnagar, reaching over 2000 people, but these did not have much impact, because we were up against powerful political forces. The local NGOs were reluctant to get involved. Fear was in the air; the police and the army had been deployed, and news about dead bodies was pouring in.”

As a local NGO, Astitva moved swiftly to visit the makeshift camps which emerged to accommodate riot struck families in Muzaffanagar and Shamli. Rehana informed activists and journalists about the desperate situation of the camps and their inhabitants, becoming a point of contact for all those seeking information, such as fact-finding committees and organisations looking to channel relief.  Her team worked with the district administration and panchayats, helped file FIRs for the raped women, trying to fast track their cases, and encouraging women to testify. “In western UP, particularly Muzaffarnagar, there is a tradition of killing witnesses. Therefore witnesses tend to change their stand or they are killed,” says Rehana.

Women’s rights work in western UP is not easy, especially if it means opposing the writ of the khap and caste panchayats. The khap panchayat leaders represent a moneyed and landed class with large-scale ownership of sugarcane fields.  With family members in political parties such as Samajwadi Party and Bharatiya Janata Party, the police force, and the Bharatiya Kisan Union, their authority is difficult to contest. This, combined with frequent violence against women, a preference for guns and abuse over dialogue, and the lack of cultural spaces, greatly limits the possibility of human rights work.

The history of khap panchayats dates to a period well before the Mughal and British rule and is a system which has endured. “Khap panchayat leaders have warned that if anyone attempts to break their authority, they will not be spared.  Even if NGOs are operational, their work revolves around distribution of medicines, and working with children and older people.  Nobody can challenge the khap panchayats.”

No help for vulnerable minorities

Credit: Usman Mehandi

Folders in which cases relating to domestic violence, sexual violence and rape, and honour killings are kept. Credit: Usman Mehandi

She says that when there is natural disaster, help is readily available, because people feel they are saving human beings.  “But if there is communal rioting and violence in which Muslims or Dalits are affected, people not even counted as human beings, little support can be found. The same sentiment prevails when women are affected – people avoid getting involved.” While Rehana and Astitva cannot afford to confront the khaps and have to skirt around them, they do speak up when women are wronged.

Rehana’s work is subject to frequent threats and hounding.  “An anonymous caller threatened to disfigure my face. Earlier, our premises were in a Jat locality. One day, 15-20 Jats gathered outside and ordered me to vacate, claiming Muslims cannot live there. When I shifted to a Muslim neighbourhood, I was told that not wearing a burqa was unacceptable. ”

She faced threats while working on a case in 2005, in which Imrana, a woman from Muzaffarnagar, was allegedly raped by her father-in-law. Rehana was also beaten up by the police for taking to the streets along with other women in support of former Deoband chairperson Zeenat Naz who battled a fatwa against Muslim women participating in elections.

In addition to being pressed for funds, she finds little support for her work from the district administration and police: “You expect them to stand up against women’s oppression. But that rarely happens.” According to National Crime Records Bureau data of 2013, Uttar Pradesh registered 3050 cases of rape, ranking fourth in the category. It also recorded maximum instances of kidnapping and abduction, and dowry deaths. But many cases remain unreported.

For Rehana, the Muzaffarnagar riots were a planned conspiracy. She says: “The Jat-Muslim alliance is broken, fear prevents many Muslim families from returning to their villages. The atmosphere continues to be communalised, and the newspapers are calling it a silent war on Muslims. People lost, and political parties won.”

Urvashi Sarkar is a freelance journalist and currently works in the development sector. She tweets at @storyandworse.

Hotel Melancholia

Travel is supposed to make us feel more alive so why is the hotel room a place of such loneliness and despair?

There was a period in my life when I spent a lot of time in hotel rooms. It was normal to skit from Shanghai to Dublin via Vilnius and Rome in a month, and then begin the loop all over again: Athens, Novosibirsk, Kuala Lumpur. I travelled alone to these cities and when I got there I was required to stand on stages, sit on panels and talk endlessly. At the end of each jet-lagged and scrambled day, I would go back to my hotel room where sometimes the mini-bar was stocked, sometimes not. The aircon would rattle, or not work, or be set too high or low with a fixed dial, and I would attempt to relax on an oversized bed with stiff pillows, listening to the TV from next door or to strangers whispering in the corridor.

I lived in a hotel in Moscow called the Cricket for a month. In European countries, I stayed in compact three-star rooms, while in the Middle East it was always big chains: the Sheraton, the Radisson or the Hilton Nile. Here and there, depending on local deals and the nature of my stay, I’d take a room in one of the iconic, colonial-style hotels from the novels of Graham Greene or Agatha Christie: the American Colony in Jerusalem, the Pera Palace in Istanbul or the Taj Mahal Palace in Mumbai. I travelled like this from my mid-20s for a decade. Sometimes I was single, other times in a relationship, and the eternal transience suited me at the start. It was fun, for a few years, until suddenly it wasn’t.

For the rest of the article, click here.

This article was originally published in Aeon Magazine.

Early Humans Had to Become More Feminine Before They Could Dominate the Planet

Two recent papers throw some light on how the revolutionary development of smaller and more fine-boned humans influenced the growth of cooperative culture, the birth of agriculture and human dominance of the planet

Neanderthals were just too macho for culture. Credit: suchosch, CC BY-SA

Neanderthals were just too macho for culture. Credit: suchosch, CC BY-SA

I have always wondered why our species Homo sapiens, that evolved in Africa about 200,000 years ago, seemed to do nothing special for the first 150,000 years. Because it is not until about 50,000 years ago that the first sign of creative thinking emerged with beautiful cave paintings found in Spain, France and Indonesia.

Around the same time a new sub-species referred to as anatomically modern humans or Homo sapiens sapiens appears. Anatomically modern humans were more slender than their earlier ancestors; they had less hair, smaller skulls. They looked basically like us.

But these changes weren’t just cosmetic. Two recent papers throw some light on how the revolutionary development of smaller and more fine-boned humans influenced the growth of cooperative culture, the birth of agriculture and human dominance of the planet.

The first is an analysis of the fossilised skulls of our ancestors during this transitional period, carried out by a team led by Robert Cieri at the University of Utah and published in the journal Current Anthropology.

Cieri and colleagues found the brow ridge (the bony bit above the eye sockets) became significantly less prominent and male facial shape became more similar to that of females. They referred to this as craniofacial feminisation, meaning that as Homo sapiens slimmed down their skulls became flatter and more “feminine” in shape.

Human skulls showing feminization in the late Stone Age. Credit: Cieri et al

Human skulls showing feminization in the late Stone Age. Credit: Cieri et al

They think this must have been due to lower levels of testosterone, as there is a strong relationship between levels of this hormone and long faces with extended brow ridges, which we may perceive today as very “masculine” features.

People with lower levels of testosterone are less likely to be reactively or spontaneously violent, and therefore this enhanced social tolerance. This has a huge knock-on effect. As seen among humans today, we live in populations with extremely high densities with an incredible amount of social tolerance. So a reduction in reactive violence must have been an essential prerequisite for us to be able to live in larger groups and develop cooperative culture.

The idea that humans became more feminine, less aggressive and thus could cooperate in large groups is certainly very intriguing as it would have allowed individuals with different skills to be valued and be reproductively successful due to the reduction of particularly male-male violence. In most primates the physically strongest male tends to dominate, but in early humans the smartest or the most creative males may have come to the forefront.

Self-domestication of humans

The question remains, how did we become more feminine, less violent and more creative? A second paper in the journal Animal Behaviour led by Brian Hare at Duke University may throw some light on to this. He and colleagues compared chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) and bonobos (Pan paniscus) in West Africa, two closely related species living in very similar environmental conditions either side of the Congo River.

One key distinction between the two species is the size difference between males and females, their “dimorphism”. Male chimps are significant larger than females, whereas the difference in bonobos is much smaller. This difference is driven by different levels of testosterone. The size is just one manifestation of deeper differences that also show up in how the animals interact with one another. Chimpanzees, particularly males are very aggressive, but violence within or between groups is almost non-existent among bonobos. As both these species have a common ancestor there must have been strong selection going on to feminise the bonobos.

Primate paradise? Bonobos are peaceful and egalitarian. Credit: Mark Dumont, CC BY-NC

Primate paradise? Bonobos are peaceful and egalitarian. Credit: Mark Dumont, CC BY-NC

Hare and colleagues suggest a process of self-domestication whereby violent individuals are punished and prevented from reproducing. The traits exhibited by bonobos are very similar to the changes observed in species that humans have domesticated such as dogs, cows, guinea pigs and foxes. They postulate the reason why bonobos were able to feminise and chimpanzees did not, is because on the Eastern side of the Congo where the chimps live they are in direct competition with gorillas, whereas the bonobos on the western side have no competition.

Harvard professor Richard Wrangham, a co-author of the Hare paper, suggested in a recent talk that the same process may have happened to early humans.

Equality improves networking

This feminisation through self-domestication may not only have made humans more peaceful and evenly sized, but may have also produced a more sexually equal society.

A recent study in the journal Science by colleagues of mine at UCL showed that in hunter-gatherer groups in the Congo and the Philippines decisions about where to live and with whom were made equally by both genders. Despite living in small communities, this resulted in hunter-gatherers living with a large number of individuals with whom they had no kinship ties. The authors argue this may have proved an evolutionary advantage for early human societies, as it would have fostered wider-ranging social networks, closer cooperation between unrelated individuals, a wider choice of mates, and reduced chances of inbreeding.

The frequent movement and interaction between groups also fostered the sharing of innovations, which may have helped the spread of culture. As Andrea Migliano, the leader of the study points out, “sex equality suggests a scenario where unique human traits, such as cooperation with unrelated individuals, could have emerged in our evolutionary past.”

It may have only been with the rise of agriculture that an imbalance between the sexes reemerged, as individual men were suddenly able to concentrate enough resources to maintain several wives and many children. Indeed the Robert Cieri led study does show slightly more masculine facial shapes emerging in recent agriculturalists relative to early humans and recent human foragers.

So at the moment we have some tentative hints of what may have happened between 50,000 and 10,000 years ago. Humans may have undergone self-domestication and over many generations weeded out those individuals that were unable to control their reactive violence.

This is not as far-fetched as it sounds – studies of the Gebusi tribe in Papua New Guinea by Bruce Knauft showed significant levels of male mortality due to the tribe deciding that an individual’s behaviour is so intolerable that for the good of the tribe they must be killed.

So human proactive violence – that is, thought out, discussed and planned violence – is used to curb, control and cull reactively violent individuals. This process combined with female mating choices over thousands of years could have selected for males with lower testosterone and more feminine features, which leads to a much more gender-equal society and the start of our cumulative culture.

The Conversation

Mark Maslin is Professor of Climatology at UCL.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

We’ve Had Enough Manel Discussions, Don’t You Think?

Seen any women speaking at a public event lately? And was that enough?

This piece was originally published in The Ladies Finger

Some weeks ago, the All Male Panel Tumblr popped up on our timelines and we all had a good giggle. There were lots of people saying “Let’s do an Indian one”, but as the conversation evolved, what became clear was that we needed more than that. What we need in fact is a guide to creating diversity in panel discussions and other public events. This must be discussed along several axes – caste and class for instance – given how hopelessly exclusionary and Old Boys’ Club the average Indian public event is. What we have done here is one that focusses on the gender axis.

Writer and director Swar Thounaojam talks of one incident that is a striking illumination of the resistance the Boys’ Club displays even to small shifts: “I think this promo video of ‘The New Voices Arts Project’ came out in 2013. Many of my theatre colleagues in Bangalore started sharing it. I watched it and was puzzled: it called itself ‘New Voices’ and sounded like a well-intentioned project but how come there were no women in this video. I was more puzzled because nobody seemed to have noticed the absence of women, including my women colleagues in theatre. This was absolutely bizarre. Urban theatre in Bangalore has survived on the labour of women. One example: other than making up the cast and crew of many theatre groups and productions, many male theatre practitioners have been and are supported by working female spouses. I commented on the Facebook post of a theatre colleague (a woman) who had shared the video, asking something likeUmmm yeah good stuff but where are the women? She was also surprised herself that she didn’t notice. Then one very prominent and famous male theatre director of Bangalore commented something like “Oh, now you are also going to ask who are Hindus or Muslims? Let’s count them …

This struggle has been on forever and ever – long, of course, before that wonderful tumblr came along to crack us all up. For some public figures, it’s a pain-in-the-neck on a weekly basis. Feminist publisher Urvashi Butalia, founder of Zubaan Books says, “I simply refuse to go to events where there are only men and I write and tell the people who are organising them. They probably think here’s a nutty old woman who’s losing it or lost it, but who cares. I find it difficult to believe people can actually, in this day and age, organise events and not think of women. And not only events, but create committees, organise delegations and so on. And a few days ago, while watching the eco news on television, I noticed how many of the anchors were women, and young women, and clearly they are savvy and knowledgeable but an economic discussion seldom has women.”

And here’s what Pakistani author and journalist Reema Abbasi had to say: “I have been the sole woman in a sea of suits on many occasions and one of many women in all-women conferences both in South Asia and in Europe. And neither made one feel completely at ease. In the former, it was the patronising, sometimes abrupt and condescending ones who, perhaps at a psychological level, overshadowed the many emancipated men on the panels and in the audience. This is largely because one felt compelled to address them in as many assertive ways as possible to dispel instant objectification as well as overcome dismissive attitudes. I was often told, ‘Perhaps we should wait till the next moot when you have more experience…that is if you stay in journalism and not opt for fashion,’ followed by chuckles. For the latter, what makes me uncomfortable is the fact that most women lose sight of solutions and of equality and descend to male-bashing or a pity party. This is just as sexist, but a feminist forum often refuses to see it that way.”

Real diversity is the way to go and it will make your events more robust, your discussions more fruitful and less ritual-like. So thought we’d put together a primer because we are so helpful that way.

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TIPS FOR EVERY EVENT ORGANISER

1. Do you have at least one woman in your panel? What, you just didn’t notice?

Butalia says, “In the events we’ve organised, we have a simple rule: we look for the women first. And we don’t stop if some don’t spring up obviously because we believe firmly that they are there, and you just need to look for them. Because the men have dominated the public sphere all the time, the first names that spring up are theirs. So even the ‘best’ of our friends veer ‘naturally’ (basically lazily) towards men. I recall that some time ago when Dipankar Gupta left JNU and later joined the Shiv Nadar University, he organised a series of talks/lectures/panel discussions at the India International Centre. The first few panels were all men. I met him one day and asked him why, and he said, ‘Oh, I didn’t really notice’. And that’s basically it, because it does not spring to mind they don’t notice.”

2. You want to include women in your panel but it’s so hard to find women?

Rubbish. You aren’t looking hard enough. And you are doing that old thing of assuming that any woman you encounter must be automatically less of an expert/less meritorious compared to any man in the field. According to Butalia, “In the past, women’s groups have gotten together and written to media channels and others giving them suggestions for women experts – if you don’t know, we can help, here are a hundred names, that sort of thing. That way they have no excuses. One of the things we’ve found really useful is to draw up a list and keep it as a resource. I find it really interesting, for example, to read mags like India Today Woman, or Saheli (Hindi) or the biz mags when they focus on women because it shows me how many women are doing such interesting things and how little we know about them.”

Rashmi Dhanwani (who worked as Public Relations manager for the National Centre for Performing Arts), has this to say: “More often than not, it appears that we aren’t even conscious of the public sphere having many more men in positions of power and prestige than women, and when using talent to represent certain genres/concepts we think merit is a good enough parameter to evaluate. Many imbalances occur while using merit and excellence as filters, including not acknowledging other intersectionalities beyond gender – caste, class, sexual orientation – and upholding the safe and sanctified ideas of quality. It creates a blind spot where differences in representation, if they are ever pointed out, are vehemently denied, and in some cases even normalised. I did that on a number of occasions in my own releases – [announcing the] first woman conductor conducting the Symphony Orchestra of India, three plays written by women, and many more (embarrassingly so). It has to be acknowledged that sexism is often so institutionalised and internalised, that most attempts to tackle it is akin to merely putting band aids.”

convention2

 

3. Watch out for the dynamics on a panel with only one woman (and why is that again), even before the event is underway.

Novelist Meena Kandasamy says “The best we can do as Tamil women is to COMPERE (or whatever the shit that is), it’s all pretty under the surface too. We could post pictures of invites that even the most progressive assholes put out. ALL male, ALL male lists for political meetings here, and so on – except for the two, three token women who would be circulated to talk about the ‘women’s issues’ and also, women at the corner [on stage and in discussions].”

Kandasamy then pointed out this pattern which we will probably notice for the rest of our lives. “I used to do a lot more public meetings and events when I was younger. And in Tamil Nadu, the most important speaker speaks last. It’s an ascending degree of importance (that’s because people turn up to meetings late). And if you are a woman, you are always asked to go earlier, you know.

Writer Mridula Koshy says, “Most panels that I have been on follow a few pre-defined patterns. The most popular of which is the Old Boys’ Club. The men come from a space where they all know each other – even if not literally. They never want to meet and discuss the topic beforehand and prepare for the panel to make it an engaging, fruitful discussion. Ninety percent of what they say on stage is a continuation of a conversation they have had everywhere.

When I ask to discuss the topic ahead of time, say when I am introduced to my co-panelists by email, I’m most often told, “You’ll be fine.” That’s an early whiff of the kind of patronizing attitude I can expect more of on stage later. It ends with me on stage listening to men being men.

In other words being invited onto a panel is not the same thing as being part of an inclusive conversation. There is an already established narrative or discourse and views that come from the safe zone of patriarchal establishment.

The male panelists have had these conversations at some party, or at the bar the previous night, where they have established a point of view and once they get on stage, they behave as if the woman’s point of view doesn’t matter. And the token women are left there scrambling for a way to break the fortress of phallus.

When I was an unknown, promoting my first book, I was obviously not invited onto panels. My experience with male writers was of being on stage with one or another whose explicit role was to introduce me and my book to the audience. This they did. As I became a little better known and was invited onto to panels to discuss wider ranging topics, I rather naively expected that this earlier treatment of me as primarily a writer would continue. But the dynamic on panels is different, and if women are on panels, it is not necessarily so their work can be acknowledged, but instead as tokens. It is rare then for male panelists who never hesitate to expound about their cerebral struggles as writers to address women on the panel as cerebral creatures.”

4. Make moderators watch out for the fact that women are socialised to give way in conversation.

A Delhi-based feminist said that one evening after a recent event, there was a conversation between two authors, a woman who she described as “very confident” and a man she described as “very quiet.” “As it panned out, he took the bulk of the time, cut in on responses to questions she was asked and was generally much more “upfront” than her. She’s totally confident, but also respectful and therefore deferred to him in terms of time and I thought this is something to really watch out for, and I guess it is the task of the moderator, but sometimes there is none.”

5. Instruct announcers and male participants to refrain even if it kills them from commenting on women’s appearance/attire/cooking skills.

Don’t derail conversations about a woman’s work by talking about how wonderful she looks in a sari. Or what a wonderful mother she makes. Stick to the subject at hand, please. Kandasamy says, “Part of the drab-dressing, the dressing-down, sloppiness that activists adopt is also because if you are seen as a pretty-face then you are not the serious type.” Abbasi says, “Just like in reportage, the ‘language’ of these occasions should be addressed. For example, introductions cannot underline physical appearance, or any personal context. And the men should be called out, with humour or authority, each time their inner chauvinist makes an appearance.”

And Koshy recounts a few cringe-worthy scenes: “My experiences of being part of panels (or even of observing panels from the audience) is one of struggling to steer the conversation away from my sari wearing skills.”

Another one: “I remember watching a rather articulate woman writer on stage with a man. She was the moderator for that discussion. But the man took over the introduction and, turning to the audience, spoke at length about her tea-making skills, and how good she looked in a sari. He went on at length about them about his experiences of finding comfort in her house drinking cups of her great chai.

It wouldn’t have killed him to talk about other things about this respected writer and moderator. If it was important to him to get past his stage nerves by speaking about her as his friend he might have focused on their writerly friendship, that is on their collegiality, their relationship as peers. Perhaps they had critiqued each other’s first drafts in the past. That might have been more interesting to the audience than his attempt to turn her from a writer into some combination of girlfriend and mother.

Once on a panel in Jaipur, a wildly famous pop fiction writer – admired by young men across the country – shared the stage with three other women writers. Among the many rather ugly moments worthy of Bollywood scripting I observed that day, one I remember standing out as particularly egregious was when he turned to the very serious literary fiction writer on the stage with him and asked her if in her childhood spent writing she hadn’t missed out on playing with lipstick like other little girls. The assumption he operated from – that these are two mutually exclusive choices, even that these are the only choices open to girls and women – was immediately checked by the literary fiction writer. The male writer immediately recoiled into his little boy shoes. Though I don’t remember his exact words it was to the effect that you can’t even talk to this girl…etc.”

6. Don’t tell women participants what to wear, either to make them your sex appeal factor or to make them your “look ma we got culture” factor. Just don’t.

Chitra Ahanthem, who is based in Delhi and works in the social development sector, says, “I have never been able to understand why it is that girls/women, all decked up and in traditional wear are the ones who do the job of pinning on badges, handing over bouquets or carrying the jazz that goes towards lighting inaugural lamps/candles at events. Every time I was asked to host an event in Imphal, it was a given that I would have to weak the phanek (traditional Manipuri lower wrap) and the phi (diaphanous wrap for upper body) wrapped around me in a half saree mode. If I had a male co-host, he could be in suit and tie but poor me had to be in the traditional garb. When I ventured to make the point that I could host events in some other attire that gave me freedom of movement on stage, it would be shot down with a firm ‘no’.’

“I ended up making all sorts of excuses but they would always get their way. Their reply was that women look dignified in traditional wear. If I said I did not know how to drape the phi, they would have someone doing the job. If I said I did not have any phi, they would loan me one. The parleys drove me half mad and I decided to stick my neck out: “No compering if you want me in phanek” – that was my reply every time an event came up. Some grumbled, some sounded me off badly and some even asked me to do my announcements from the backstage area but no one ever allowed me to go on stage without the phanek and phi code. Gradually, the offers from organisers to host events dwindled and they found others who still continue to toe the phanek and phi line. Happily though, I was able to convince organisers of a theatre festival last year that I get on stage without the phi as a half saree. I ended up wearing a coat over the phanek which I didn’t mind as it was winter!”

7. Think about the language of an event.

Dhanwani has some pointers. “Use gender sensitive language in written communication, avoid stereotypical and exclusionary messages. Also, be cautious of what words you are using to describe works by men (powerful, dynamic, incisive) and women (beautiful, sensual, imaginative, emotional).”

Butalia says, “To me part of organising inclusive events is to watch out for the language we use. Sometimes we’ve been in the odd situation of having three women and one man and the entire vocabulary is male. Simple things, like everyone will say ‘the publishing fraternity’ (just as easy to use community no?) or they will refer to students as ‘boys’ – those are the straightforward things, but also for example, ‘internet penetration’ – why not just internet reach or spread? Or, always, ‘seminal’ – I’m often told how seminal my work on Partition is, it drives me round the bend! Then, I recall being in a room where we were discussing sexuality and LGBT issues, with a couple of transgender people on the stage, and we kept referring to ladies and gentlemen […] it’s worth being aware of [language] for that special situation. Plus [words like] chairman – so many women will use these words without thinking how exclusionist they are. So if you have three women and they are talking of chairmen and fraternity, we have a problem, don’t you think?”

8. No, women organisers are not in charge of assisting a man lighting lamps, vaguely shepherding winners off stage, or organising tea and snacks.

“I think the thing is not only the presence of men on panels as experts or speakers, but also the roles that are assigned to women,” says Urvashi Butalia. As Abbasi points out: “Women also perform airport runs, are on call round-the-clock to cater to queries etc, escort guests on tours/conference-related occasions, are responsible for anything from lost luggage to laundry, and many secretarial tasks. Where logistical details are imperative, their being shared by both genders is of equal significance – these duties play a huge role in framing a woman as a vulnerable, less competent commodity.”

Don’t get women to carry momentos/bouquets. Do a quick check: is it always a token woman sitting in a corner with the task of making notes on each session? And no, women don’t have to be in charge of organising the complimentary presents/gift bags. Maya Ganesh, Director of Applied Research at Tactical Tech, says, “I just organised the import of 75 shawls from the Mysore Silk Udyog [in Bangalore] to Berlin for a 100-person women’s event….but that’s also because I’m the Indian person.” And as many people we spoke to asked, why is it always assumed that a young woman will take care of X or Y important man’s wife/child/family when they arrive from out of town?

Ladies Finger editor Poorva Rajaram says, “In the second year of my MA in History in JNU, my department organised a student conference. It was nice for once to listen to peers, not just be lectured to by professors. But I was also nervous and on edge throughout. A day in, I knew why. As far as I could tell, the organisers of the conference who spoke at the podium – at least the ones that I heard – were men. Female MA students were requested to ‘volunteer’ (I refused). They had to carry mics around and sometimes help with lunch. Key background here is that women far outnumber men in this history course. And it’s not as if men didn’t help with food or ferry mics. As presenters in their own right, women probably outnumbered men. But, I still couldn’t deny the grating optics of the event – male organisers listening and talking while most often “younger” women in saris set up tech and ferried mics around. I knew this was my hindbrain acting up. But it did and does. If there is one sight that I still see all over academia that instantly sets my teeth on my edge, it is women in saris hovering near podiums that they never speak at.”

9. How about the women in the audience?

As lawyer and policy consultant Sowmya Rao – veteran of what she describes as “many a boring bloody convention /seminar on financial stuff where the man woman ratio is worse than at IIT K” – points out, make sure that it’s possible and easy for women to attend the event.

Brief your moderators so that they do not pick only on the men in the audience during the Q and A. Sometimes women are hesitant to speak or they don’t speak loudly enough and meanwhile some man has stood up to ask his long, rambling non-question in two parts. It’s important that moderators are pushed to juice out the conversation by encouraging a good cross-section to ask questions.

10. Diversity must be thought about beyond the gender axis too.

Dhanwani says, “Is inclusion enough? What about thinking of including and expanding on ideologies? Apart from having more women on panels and events, how about extending the debate to include programming on ideology – feminist questions in art, ways of seeing (caste questions), reservation questions. We are making a habit of running ‘safe’ arts events, while completely ignoring the ability of art to question status quo in the most incisive way possible.”

Maya Ganesh says, ““The things I actually see and face much more now are casually, unthinkingly layered with “hipster racism”, so the whole gender thing is something I notice less of, so I find it funny how white women are all over the all male panels thing. I get it, it’s neat etc, but I also see a lot of people inviting friends, calling the usual suspects to speak, all mostly white women.”

11. Even it it is hurting your tiny heart, accept that the woman hopefully women that you have on your panel are actual experts and will make valuable contributions to the discussion.

If there is a consultant fee or a resource person fee, don’t assume it’s okay to pay women less than you’d pay men. We will find out and then oh, the fun we will have with you.

Finally, The Finger Memo on the matter:

fingermemo

All graphic elements used to create the comics were designed by Freepik.

Read the original piece here.

 

DNA Testing Once Nailed Indian Peacekeepers. The UN Now Wants to Make it Routine

What makes the initiative especially urgent is that 14 out of the 29 paternity claims made since January 2010 have been made by minors, who claimed to have been sexually abused.

What makes the initiative especially urgent is that 14 out of the 29 paternity claims made since January 2010 have been by minors, who said they were sexually abused by international soldiers on UN peacekeeping missions.

Members of the Indian battalion of the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC) on route to Sake from North Kivu in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), as two young local boys salute the peacekeepers. 12/Sep/2007. UN Photo/Marie Frechon

File photo of members of the Indian battalion of the United Nations Organisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC) on route to Sake from North Kivu in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), as two young local boys salute the peacekeepers. 12/Sep/2007. UN Photo/Marie Frechon

New Delhi: A recent decision by the United Nations to conduct DNA tests on peacekeeping troops suspected of fathering babies while on international humanitarian missions in different parts of the world is being seen as a way of enforcing strict compliance with the norms governing their deployment – and of ensuring support and care for such “peacekeeper babies” when soldiers cross the line.

With about 125,000 peacekeepers deployed in 16 locations, mostly in Africa and the Middle East, several complaints of sexual abuse and exploitation had been received over the past decade from these troubled zones. India, too, has faced allegations, some of which were borne out by subsequent investigation.

As per the latest UN decision, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon has been authorised to “require DNA and other tests to establish paternity”. The move seeks to ensure that peacekeepers are no longer able to just “father and abandon” children.

What makes the initiative especially urgent is that 14 out of the 29 paternity claims made since January 2010 have been by minors, who said they were sexually abused.

A report on sexual abuse and exploitation by peacekeepers by Zeid Raad al-Hussein, now the UN’s human rights chief and a former peacekeeper himself, had lamented the fact that many of these peacekeeper babies were left abandoned with mothers who were in a desperate financial situation.

 

The Indian angle

The initiative to conduct DNA tests on peacekeepers has been well-received in India, which sends the maximum number of troops on UN peacekeeping missions and has also had its fair share of trouble due to various misdemeanours.

Lieutenant-General (Retd) Satish Nambiar, who had headed the UN peacekeeping mission in the former Yugoslavia, and later retired as Deputy Chief of Army Staff, said that over the years,  several solutions have been attempted to improve the conduct of peacekeepers. “The policy was of zero tolerance and commissions were set up and reports submitted to curb sexual crimes by peacekeepers.”

On the way ahead, he said, “DNA profiling is one of the ways of trying to address the issue. It would act as a deterrent.”

However, he cautioned that all such steps should be taken with a “degree of sensitivity and with discussion with the stakeholders”. It should not be forgotten that the pride and honour of countries involved in peacekeeping is also at stake.

Nambiar shares the concern of the UN that countries contributing troops might be wary of allegations tarnishing their image, as many of the offences involve minors. Of the dozen paternity claims received last year alone, four were associated with the alleged sexual abuse of minors, a UN report had said.

But, bearing this in mind, he called for stringent punishment to the guilty. “The punishment for offences in such peacekeeping missions should be more severe than for similar crimes back home, as the soldiers are also ambassadors for their country when they serve abroad and there is no scope for any misdemeanour.”

On whether soldiers on peace missions have a more arduous job or deserve frequent home visits to prevent sexual crimes, Nambiar said even soldiers serving within the country work under hard conditions. “The issue is of good leadership, control and discipline. The odd aberrations should be dealt with severely.”

He said one of the subjects taught at the United Services Institution – which he headed and where in the year 2000 a Centre for United Nations Peacekeeping was set up with support from the Ministry of External Affairs — was dealing with stress. “We used to train the trainers so that the message reached out.”

The ultimate goal of any peacekeeping mission is the safety, security and well-being of the people it is intended to serve. Anything which goes against this principle needs to be handled with a tough hand.

India has in the past decade also had to face some embarrassing moments due to the conduct of its peacekeepers.

In 2012, An Indian Army Major and three other personnel were indicted by a Court of Inquiry ordered to investigate allegations of sexual exploitation of local women by Indian peacekeepers serving in Congo in 2007-08. Ironically, these incidents had taken place when former Indian Army chief General Bikram Singh, was heading the mission as a Lieutenant-General.

It was revealed that the DNA samples of one of the soldiers matched that of a child he had allegedly fathered during a  posting in Congo. While the soldier was indicted for sexual exploitation of local women, the other three were indicted for failure of command and control.

The accused men belonged to the 6 Sikh Regiment and the probe was ordered by the Indian Army in May 2011 after the UN alleged that India personnel were involved in sexual offences in Congo, where the mission was set up in 1999. India had contributed nearly 5,000 troops for that peacekeeping operation.

Similarly, in 2008, three Indian peacekeepers returning from Congo were held by the South African police after a woman complained that they had raped her. In 2010, an Indian major was found with a sex worker in a Congo hotel room.

Indian peacekeepers were in 2008 also accused of paying for sex with Congolese girls but these charges were rejected by the Indian Army. However, the presence in Congo of many children with distinctly Indian features not only calls for a detailed and truthful investigation, it also demands that India take responsibility for the support and care of those children who came into this world because of the improper, and possibly illegal conduct, of its peacekeepers.

The UN’s future plans

The UN last year began offering DNA collection protocol and testing kits to member countries. But for the time being, it is not toying with the idea of a DNA data bank which was suggested as the “most foolproof method” for tackling paternity claims by a UN authorised report.

For the time being, the UN is only asking member states if they will conduct the DNA test or whether they would want the UN to do it for them in case of paternity complaints. However, testing is not mandatory and only 20 per cent compliance has been reported thus far.

In his February report, Ban had said that “positive matches have established paternity in four instances and ruled it out in two; results remain pending in seven more instances.” But, pointing to the “hurdles” that remain, he had stated that “some of the alleged fathers refuse to be tested.”

11 Mentions of Kejriwal, None of AAP in 2 minute Delhi Government Ad

The ad is also likely to get the backs of women up since the domestic scene it approvingly shows is of the woman shopping, looking after the bills, cooking and serving food to her husband — as her husband lolls around watching television

A new television commercial released on all channels and uploaded to YouTube by the Aam Aadmi Party government in Delhi is meant to highlight an achievement that many in the city have noticed but the media hasn’t really highlighted: the fact that electricity bills have come down, in some cases dramatically, for the capital’s households.

Astonishingly for a work of pure agit prop, though, the amateurishly made advertisement does not mention the Aam Aadmi Party – under whose rule this reduction in electricity bills has taken place – even once. Instead, the focus of the TVC is solely and entirely on the AAP leader, Arvind Kejriwal, who is also chief minister of Delhi. His face may not be featured but there are no less than 11 references to him in the two-minute long ad.

For those who can’t do the maths quickly, that’s one mention of the leader every 11 seconds. Seven times as ‘Kejriwal’, twice as Arvind, and once each as ‘unhone’ and ‘unkey’. The ad ends with the woman attacking other politicians and even the media for “going after Kejriwal day and night” and praying that god keep him safe.

The commercial is also likely to get the backs of women up since the domestic scene it approvingly shows is of the woman shopping, looking after the electricity bill, cooking and serving food to her husband without eating herself — as her husband lolls around watching television.

Surely this is not the Aam Aadmi Party’s vision of what the life of an aam aurat should be.