A Convenient Alibi to Degrade Schooling for Poor Kids

 

File photo of a Bihar school. Credit: PTI

File photo of a Bihar school. Credit: PTI

In the debates on education raging around us, especially following the yearly reports on poor learning outcomes in government schools, one ascendant view is that the government’s education policy has misdiagnosed the problem and the way forward is to ask parents what they want.

This is a question I am often asked these days. Most recently, by Delhi government advisors, tasked with preparing a policy note on education. As on earlier occasions, it left me befuddled.

Rich parents or poor

What could parents possibly want from the schools they send their children to? Teachers who are educated and trained to do their jobs optimally and who are sensitive and empathetic to the needs of the child. A safe and secure environment, and a system of teaching and assessment that does not penalise, but encourages learning. And infrastructure – classrooms with desks and chairs, clean toilets and drinking water.

But, to the government’s policy makers these are not simple questions with simple answers.

As they see it, the question conceals a problem, and the problem is that there are apparently two types of parents. The first type are like myself, and possibly you reading this article, who can afford to send their children to good private schools and have high expectations and an understanding of education. The second type are poor parents, who subsist on daily wages, have no time for their children and their schooling, do not know how to speak to teachers, do not understand what goes on in a school, or indeed anything about their child’s schooling. It is the second type of parent that these policy makers apparently want to address. The Delhi government is trying to establish what they want and how they can be provided for.

Most parents of any type do not have the time to make regular visits to their ward’s school to check how it works and how their child is faring, and many, myself included, may not know all that they should expect from a school. However, posing the question as a problem of ‘types’, suggests that certain assumptions are being made:

  • poor parents cannot be provided the same quality of education non-poor parents have or take for granted, presumably because this would cost too much;
  • poor parents have no way of knowing if their children are learning and calibrate their child’s learning through “test” results of pass/fail, so merely doing well on those tests must figure high on their list of wants;
  • since poor parents do not understand education beyond basic notions of literacy and numeracy, other goals of education can be dispensed with for them;
  • children of the poor are unlikely to pursue higher degrees so their schooling need not be geared towards such lofty ends.

The question of what needs doing to fix a failing education sector is, therefore, quickly reduced to: how best [read: least] we can frame these needs of poor parents and then go about satisfying them.

Simple needs of simple folk

A common understanding that has emerged based on a widespread acceptance of the assumptions mentioned above is that the expectations of poor parents from schools and education are rather simple. They do not want toilets, as they do not have them at home. They do not need desks and chairs, as they are used to sitting on the floor. They do not need educated or trained teachers either as they are content with their children learning simple skills to allow them to get by in life. Simple messages, that will allow them to score decently on simple tests of reading and maths is what they will be content with. Or vocational skills that will allow them to get a job – any job – to help out with household income, or assist parents in their work. And of course English – to create the veneer of being “educated”.

There is a huge surge of demand for education that is spilling over from government to low-cost private schools that are low-fee-charging, do not focus on “inputs” (as government schools do), but cater instead to the so-called needs of poor children.

These schools are the models that policy makers who ask, “What do poor parents want?” hope governments will follow.

Warning from Africa, unheeded by India

A recently released joint statement by over a 100 organisations in Africa is worth highlighting in this context as it categorically refutes the claims of precisely such thinking.

In Africa, education initiatives like the Bridge International Academies [BIA], backed by international organizations, most notably the World Bank, have pursued this model for the poor. The joint statement highlights the following flaws in the thinking about these initiatives. It states: a) that there is no independent research to show that “learning”, even narrowly defined, is better in these academies; b) that “only five weeks of training” for teachers relying on “scripted standardised lessons…cannot substitute for a qualified teacher”; and c) that the right to free education is a statutory obligation of the state and cannot be out-sourced to private agencies, no matter how ”low” the fees they charge.

In India, Geetha Nambissan, a scholar of education policy at JNU, has diligently documented, the trend towards low-cost or Budget Private Schools [BPS]. She finds that it is not just shoddy teaching and a high turnover of teachers which characterise these schools but that the under-qualified teachers hired to teach English are barely able to speak the language themselves.

Further, many schools, unable to sustain themselves on low fees, either morphed into “affordable” private schools or simply shut shop, with no concern for the children enrolled in them. Despite these pitfalls, the move towards BPS is continuing unabated with several well-funded and vocal advocacy groups set up to promote the model. This model – which reduces the role of the teacher, increases the role of ‘technology’, reduces education to simple messaging and cuts expenditure on all necessary inputs – is also being promoted in government schools as an effective means of improving learning outcomes.

Ominous direction

Such a model does not provide even the basics that any parent wants and, in fact, peddles a service that is of low quality and low utility. This model is not concerned with a “system” of pedagogy geared towards the larger goals of “education” but primarily at cutting costs and ensuring “effective learning outcomes” reduced to simple reading and mathematical skills. It raises crucial questions of the direction in which education is heading.

Is this the vision of education that we are offering the nation? An education system, which only benefits those who can afford to pay large amounts for quality and cheats the rest of a chance to participate in the life of the nation as anything other than as a low skill-low pay sometimes-employed person? Are unqualified and poorly trained teachers, minimal skills and infrastructure-less surroundings all that the poor can expect to get by way of an education? With a New Education Policy in the offing, this is a question that urgently needs addressing. Is this what the BJP, or indeed anyone, wants to Make of India?

Kiran Bhatty is a Senior Fellow at the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi and a Founder Member of the Forum for Deliberation on Education

 

 

 

 

 

 

Starving Education of Government Funds is No Way to Have ‘Sabka Vikas’

The Modi government, and all legislators who pass the budget, must be held accountable for failing to uphold their responsibility towards implementing the right of every child to a decent education

Young students in Mumbai. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

Young students in Mumbai. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

The Parliamentary Standing Committee for HRD’s report submitted to Rajya Sabha on April 23, 2015 and tabled in the Lok Sabha on the same day is nothing short of eye-popping. The Committee’s grave apprehension about the cuts in education funding and especially the ramifications of the 14th Finance Commission award are shared by those most concerned with children’s education and should be the subject of a larger public debate. Unfortunately they are not.

Just two paragraphs of this 60-page report, from the cross-party Committee chaired by the BJP’s Satyanarayan Jaitya, suffice to highlight the tone of the Report:

“The Committee, in the new scenario, feels worried about the pace as well as scale of the on-going schemes. Picture about the time and amount as well as manner in which gaps are to be filled by the States is not clear. They might take quite a while before they are able to finalise/priorities their activities. Department [of School Education and Literacy, MHRD] also does not know anything about it. What will happen to these very important schemes is a big question. Department sounded helpless and did not know what to do in this situation. It, of course, pleaded with the Committee to recommend for releasing at-least some funds to sustain its schemes till things are in place.” [p13-14]

“Further, in view of the replacement of the Planning Commission, which was an intermediary agency between the Centre and the States and also acted as monitoring agency, it is not clear what monitoring mechanism of the centrally sponsored or central sector schemes would be put in place. In the light of the above, the Committee shares the concern expressed by the Department about the future of important schemes like SSA [Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan], MDM [mid-day meals] etc and strongly recommends that the Ministry of Finance should earmark some funds for these schemes to that they do not come to a halt thereby resulting in humongous social cost”. [p.14]

Can States fill the gaps?

The report includes a table that shows the declining trend in budgetary allocations for education over the last few years. The especially drastic cut for the year 2015-16 is the proximate cause for the committee’s alarm, and the helplessness it notes in the Department of School Education and Literacy, MHRD.

Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) (Rs. in crores)

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“The Committee has been expressing its apprehensions through its reports that many States/UTs are not in position to make even 35 percent contributions towards the implementation of RTE/SSA. Now that there has been a drastic cut in the central funding for the programme it would be more difficult for the States to contribute enhanced share towards this initiative. In such a situation how the various activities under RTE/SSA would be carried out in the States/UTs is beyond the imagination of the Committee. [p23].Instead of a projected demand of Rs 50,000 crores, a paltry sum of Rs 24,380 crores has been allocated, reflecting a shortfall of more than 50%. The committee not only questions the assumption that states will make up for it through the greater devolution under the Finance Commission’s recommendations, but also questions the ability of some states to contribute their share of 35% as a matching grant for RTE/ Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, that has been the norm thus far.

It raises a critical question, that no one seems to be asking: Under the Right to Education, which the Supreme Court held flows from the right to life under Article 21, who is statutorily obligated to ensure that sufficient funds are made available for all schemes under RTE/SSA? Can the Centre pass the buck to the states?

Bogey of under-utilised funds

The oft-mentioned issue of “under-utilisation” of funds is also discussed at some length in the report [p.16-18]. What is significant is that the committee doesn’t share the common perspective that the problem in education is not about “shortage of funds”, but about the “capacity to spend”. Instead, it bemoans the fact that low fund allocation combined with low utilisation is having an impact on the provision of services, especially to children from socio-economically backwards regions and groups.

The binding constraint of “utilisation certificates” [UCs], which is cited as a primary reason for tardy fund flows, continues to figure in the explanation for low levels of utilisation. Unfortunately, there is still no clarity on how to resolve that particular problem. If field reports are anything to go by, since teachers, and now parents from SMCs – School Management Committees [where they are active] have been given the responsibility for getting civil works done and block officers for disbursing everything from books, uniforms, scholarships, salaries, pensions etc., it is no surprise that UCs are a long time coming. Especially, as there is an acknowledged shortage of teachers [also mentioned in this Report] and a huge unacknowledged shortage of capacities at the block offices.

Asking the Department of School Education and Literacy at MHRD to “speedily” solve this problem is unlikely to result in a solution, as not only do most of the financial norms and regulations originate elsewhere, allocations affecting shortages, are also determined in domains beyond its purview. We are thus stuck in a vicious cycle of low fund allocations and low utilisation, which requires much stronger political will to break out of. Sadly, despite the committee’s concern, political will seems to be the one necessary thing that is lacking.

Revisiting Accountability

In recent discussions on the state of school education, the issue of accountability has been repeatedly raised. Invariably the buck stops with the teachers who are held responsible for the poor “outcomes”, measured through test scores on a yearly basis. Problems of teacher absenteeism, lack of performance-based salaries, lack of punitive action, unionisation, political lobbies etc., are totted up as barriers to enforcing accountability within the education sector. Reading the committee’s report, one has to wonder, if we are not missing the woods for the trees. Where does real accountability lie?

Is the larger state apparatus not responsible for ensuring education to every child, especially now that it is a statutory obligation, under the RTE? Does the state not include the executive, including all departments responsible for providing what is finally delivered to a child? It is not just the MHRD, but also the legislators who pass the laws and the budgets who should be held accountable.

While the members of the parliamentary committee, must be congratulated for raising important concerns, including of monitoring government programmes, a lot more needs to be said and done if we are to avoid paying what it terms the “humongous social cost”, of neglecting school education. While a beginning has been made by the committee’s report, what is needed is a full-fledged discussion on the floor of Parliament, especially on the sections highlighted in the report, of which there are many. The Modi government also needs to listen to those who do not agree with it in forums wider than mygov.in consultations, in order to get a more complete picture of the harsh realities that will take more than a few schemes to fix.

Kiran Bhatty is a Senior Fellow at the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi and a Founder Member of the Forum for Deliberation on Education.