‘Maybe Metro Authorities Can Count Better’: Aarey Resident Claims ‘Close to 500 Trees’ Were Axed

On April 24, Mumbai Metro Rail Corporation Ltd arrived at Aarey to cut 177 trees after getting a nod from the Supreme Court. Locals say the real number is higher and that the move has left them without history.

Mumbai: “Our entire existence has been erased,” said a Aasha Bhoye, two days after the Mumbai Metro Rail Corporation Ltd cut what it claims is 177 trees near the Aarey Metro Depot for the construction of the Metro 3 corridor, after a Supreme Court order.

Bhoye, a member of a tribal community and a resident of the erstwhile Aarey Milk Colony claimed that the actual number of trees which were cut by the MMRCL was close to 500.

“The Metro people claim to be more educated, so I think their way of counting trees must be the correct way,” she noted wryly.

An MMRC spokesperson has responded that this allegation has no basis in fact.

“The allegation is baseless. The felling of trees has been done as per approval of the Tree Authority of BMC,” the spokesperson told The Wire.

On April 24, 2023, Mumbai Metro authorities reached Prajapur Pada, a tribal hamlet of Aarey, as early as 5 am. Residents say that police deployment was heavy and that officials had modern machinery with them.

The apex court had earlier granted permission after imposing a Rs 10 lakh fine on the Metro construction body, MMRCL, for increasing the number of trees to be cut from 84 to 177. This permission was granted even as tribal resident Budhiya Bhoye’s petition on the contested land waits to be heard in the court. 

‘Save Aarey’ activists said that this is what they feared. “They have begun,” said Amrita Bhattacharjee, who fears there is much more destruction in store.

Remains of a mango tree with ripe coconuts that have fallen scattered around. Photo: Zeeshan Kaskar

Livelihoods gone

Aasha Bhoye, quoted at the beginning of the piece, said that at least four generations of her and other tribal families have been living in Prajapur Pada. “We have been living here for centuries. I have land receipts also to show,” she said. 

Her family depended on the fruits and vegetables that were grown on their own backyard. It is these trees that are now gone. A few new trees were planted as compensation by the MMRCL. 

An almost 10 feet-tall fence of iron sheets has been put around the houses of the Bhoye family among others. This reporter had to climb up to see the area where the trees were being felled. Two men guarded the place, but even they struggled in the heat with no trees around to provide a moment’s shelter from the sun.

The ‘compensatory’ trees were easily spotted – as they were so few. Beyond the area where the trees were cut, the construction of the Aarey Car Depot or car shed continued in full swing. Thousands of travellers travel up and down on the adjoining road. 

A teary-eyed Asha Bhoye says that fighting “a powerful organisation that tells lies in broad daylight” is impossible. “The MMRCL numbered the trees by putting tags. I saw one number on at least four trees. In this way, they could cut nearly 500 trees,” Bhoye claimed. 

In the below pictures, one can easily notice the difference in the pictures taken before and after the MMRCL action:

Prajpur Pada: Before and after action by MMRCL. Photo: Zeeshan Kaskar

Why is the land contested? 

Stalin Dayanand, who is an active member of the Save Aarey movement, procured a 1980 document through the Right to Information Act (RTI) in 2017. This document reveals that land of 2076.073 hectares of the Aarey Milk Scheme was transferred to the Sanjay Gandhi National Park (SGNP) at the time of its expansion in 1969. 

The document which mentions villages of the Aarey Milk Scheme as coming within the borders of the Borivali National Park which later became the Sanjay Gandhi National Park. 

“Foolish people like us only keep talking, while they [the Metro authorities] have done what they always intended to do,” Dayanand said.

His NGO Vanashakti’s petition which is in court argues on three grounds – tree count, flora-fauna and the colony being part of the Sanjay Gandhi National Park – that the Aarey Milk Colony is indeed a forest and must be protected under the Wildlife Protection Act and the Forest Conservation Act. 

What remains?

In 2017, a development plan for Mumbai was approved by the Maharashtra government, which included changing the land classification of 147 hectares in Aarey Milk Colony from a ‘no-development zone’ to a ‘development zone’. The decision was challenged by activists but upheld by the Bombay HC.

The development project will result in the displacement of over 3,500 families of Warli Adivasis and other tribal groups who call Aarey their home. Prajapur Pada hamlet, for example, has already seen 70 out of over 80 families removed by the metro authorities and set up in a Slum Rehabilitation Authority building. This has meant a loss of their homes and livelihoods. The remaining 10 families have been spared because they are not within the project area. 

Aasha Bhoye’s family alongside others’ are in uncertainty as the MMRCL plans to expand the metro network well beyond the Metro-3 line. The MMRDA website too, mentions the Aarey Depot station in the proposed Metro-6 development plan, which is likely to cause deforestation inside Aarey and the filling of the floodplains of Mumbai’s only fresh water source, the Mithi river. 

Sad to Say My God Died on Tuesday

A lifelong affair with Harry Belafonte, which began in early childhood, got stronger with every passing year.

In 1957, in his mother’s maika in Bombay, a three-year-old boy had a favourite chithi (thank you, Kamala Harris, for telling the rest of the world who a chithi is!). She was a teenager, and the nephew, yours truly, sat spellbound as she hummed the lines “I took a trip on a sailing ship…” I made her repeat the Jamaica Farewell song again and again.

In 1959, my father, a civil engineer in the railways, was posted to Chopan, a hick town in south eastern Uttar Pradesh, near Mirzapur. A railway line was being built. He was trained in Carnatic music, was learned in musical theory, and played the flute. My mother played the veena. While my chithi told me that he would tease her for singing “somberi paatu (idlers songs!),”  I often heard my parents humming the same Jamaica Farewell.

In that bucolic railway settlement, the watering hole was the club, and a bachelor “uncle”, Mr Da Cunha sang Belafonte, Pat Boone and Frank Sinatra, joined by Subramaniam “uncle” of the dulcet voice. That’s when I heard the Banana Boat song, and I thought “Mr T-a-a-lly Man” was a gentleman of that name who was being asked to come and count the bananas. Incidentally, that Da Cunha uncle of the fierce handlebar moustache loved children, and we loved him and his dachshund. He once got the “colony” children together to teach them (How Much Is) That Doggie in the Window?, and the know-all me said “Uncle, I already know this song” – courtesy the aforesaid chithi.

Once, on a “colony picnic” to the beautiful Vindhyachal, my father sang snatches of Island in the Sun as we rowed on a boat. 

Soon, the maika shifted. My grandfather retired from an officer’s life in Bombay to a consciously chosen traditional life in Madras, with the dining table and chairs abandoned to give way to wooden palagas on the floor. I was placed in the care of my grandparents, because neither Chopan nor the neighbouring towns of Mirzapur or Robertsganj had good schools. The favourite chithi was now a very senior teenager, and had got many records (mainly 78 rpm) for the gramophone. And so, even as we ate our tiffin or our sappadu sitting on the floor, the songs of Belafonte and Pat Boone were played every day. The anchors of the Binaca Hit Parade, Happy go lucky Greg (yes!) and Hamid Sayani gave us more Belafonte, Pat Boone, Frank Sinatra and Eartha Kitt. In school, the Anglo-Indian music “miss” did timepass between classes by playing out-of-syllabus songs like Matilda, Matilda on the grand piano

Also read: How Radio Ceylon Decided to Use a Language That Was Neither Hindu Nor Muslim

In 1964, my father was posted in Delhi, and it was then, at the age of 10, that I began to hear more of Belafonte, on the longer, increasingly popular 33 rpm albums. Come back Liza, The Jackass Song, Man Smart, Woman Smarter and the hilarious Hole in the Bucket were some of the songs in one treasured album. And my sister and I often listened to our favourite tape carrying the Carnegie Hall performance (copied from another railway “uncle’s” recording). The most memorable song from that performance was Man Piaba. And I remember Cu Cu Ru Cu Cu Paloma and Mama Look a Boo Boo also from that concert.

All India Radio’s ‘A Date with You’ and ‘Forces Request’ programmes brought us even more of him. I often heard my parents hum my own favourites, and now chuckle at the thought of my father’s reported disdain of them as “idlers songs”, wondering how he could have ever felt that!

It was many years later, when I was well into adulthood, that I got to know about his involvement in the civil rights movement, his friendship with Dr Martin Luther King and about his activism. When our children came, they came into a world where the radio was passe, and so were ‘A Date with You’ and ‘Forces Request’. But the old record player and the old discs were still doing gallant duty, and the children heard the same songs as I did, with their grandfather as facilitator.

Also read: Harry Look A Boo Boo

The Master’s memoir My Song, was published in 2011, and my daughter, by then a PhD scholar in New York, bought a copy for me immediately after it came out. Inscribing it, she wrote, “Dad, with all the childhood memories I have of you singing and listening to these songs, I thought you would enjoy this.” As I devoured the pages, and I read more about his commitment to public causes, admiration turned to awe and soon to worship. 

I moved to a new office nine years ago. I didn’t want my conference room to look lawyerly, and had posters of my favourite musicians all around: Pete Seeger, Joan Baez, Cliff Richard, Engelbert Humperdinck, Nina and Frederik, and The Beatles. But the presiding deity over the conference table was Harry Belafonte, and many innocent souls asked if he was my father. To the right of Belafonte is a cartoon of me which a couple of cheeky juniors got commissioned as a birthday gift. It seeks to convey an insolent message: only half your dimaag is on the law; the other half of it is on your hero.

Raju Ramachandran’s cartoon, commissioned by his juniors, reflecting his love for the law and for Belafonte. Photo courtesy: Raju Ramachandran.

In the last eight years, three grandchildren have come. A few years ago, I overheard Aadya, then four years old, humming, “Come, Mr Tallyman,” and my eyes went moist. Last week I asked my son what Belafonte songs Nimay, four, and Nirad, less than two, had on their playlist. I was happy to know that they had Day-O, Matilda, Jump in the Line and Zombie Jamboree on it.

Earlier this week, my God died. The next day, my chithi, now in Ahmedabad, turned 80. I called to wish her, and then we condoled with each other. She went on to remind me of Happy-go-lucky Greg, and we were back in the Ceylon and Madras of 1961.

Raju Ramachandran is a senior advocate of the Supreme Court.

Historian Ranajit Guha Passes Away

Guha’s influence on postcolonial and subaltern studies is indelible and his work has given birth not just to whole disciplines but also noted experts in these disciplines.

New Delhi: Historian Ranajit Guha, who would have turned 100 this May, has passed away.

Guha’s influence on postcolonial and subaltern studies is indelible and his work has given birth not just to whole disciplines but also noted experts in these disciplines. Among the famous scholars he has trained are Dipesh Chakraborty, Partha Chatterjee, Gayatri Spivak Chakraborty and many others.

Guha’s most well known work is Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India, which is widely understood to have changed the way history is written and regarded.

Guha was born on May 23, 1923, in Siddhakati village of what is now Bangladesh. In 1959, he moved to the United Kingdom and began a reader’s job at the University of Sussex. Guha has also taught at the Australian National University.

Guha passed away in Austria’s Vienna Woods, where he lived with his wife Mechthild Guha, the Bengali newspaper Anandabazar Patrika has reported.

56.3% Union Govt Projects Delayed, Highest in 2 Decades, 22% Cost Overrun: Report

As of March 2023, projects have had a time overrun of over three years on average, show flash reports by MoSPI.

New Delhi: The share of delayed Union government projects has skyrocketed to 56.7% in March 2023, the highest figure in around 20 years, according to data from the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation’s monthly flash reports published by the Infrastructure and Project Monitoring Division compiled by Business Standard

There are 1,449 Union government projects underway of more than Rs 150 crore, according to the ministry’s flash report. As of March 2023, projects have had a time overrun of over three years on average.

The projects are now expected to cost 22.02% more than the originally estimated costs. In absolute terms, this means an additional expenditure of Rs 4.6 trillion – or more than 120 times the money spent on completing the Konkan Railway project which cost Rs 3,550 crore in 1997, reports the newspaper. The cost overruns were last this high in percentage terms under the previous NDA government in 2004.

The Indian Railways has the major share of delayed projects and it accounted for Rs 2.5 trillion in cost overruns. It is followed by projects in the power sector (Rs 0.6 trillion) and water resources (Rs 0.5 trillion), reports Business Standard.

The share of delayed central government projects hit a low of 19.3% in 2018 but it had not been as high under the UPA government under Dr Manmohan Singh as it is now under the Modi government. The delay in the UPA-era had been blamed on policy paralysis within the government. 

SEBI Report into Adani Group’s Alleged Violations to Be Delayed: Report 

SEBI is likely to file an extension plea before the apex court to obtain more time to complete its probe into Hindenburg Research’s allegations against the Adani group. The deadline to submit the status report to the Supreme Court is May 2.

New Delhi: The status report of investigation into the allegations of fraud and manipulation against the beleaguered Adani group by the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) is likely to be delayed as it seeks more time from the Supreme Court, reports Business Standard.

SEBI is likely to file an extension plea before the apex court to obtain more time to complete its probe into Hindenburg Research’s allegations against the Adani group, the newspaper said citing two people in the know. The market regulator might apprise the court about the progress in the matter and offer rationale behind seeking more time.

The deadline to submit the status report to the Supreme Court is May 2, after the apex court on March 3 ordered that Sebi shall “expeditiously conclude” the investigation within two months and file a status report. In the same order, the court had constituted a six-member expert panel and mandated it to investigate regulatory failure in the Adani case and submit its report in a sealed cover within two months.

Also read: SEBI Has No Information on Who Subscribed to Adani Group’s Rs 20,000-Crore Share Sale: Report

SEBI was asked by the apex court that its report should focus on alleged violations of minimum public shareholding norms, failure to disclose related-party transactions, and stock price manipulation by the Adani group. The Supreme Court also directed SEBI to apprise the expert committee of the action it had taken, reports the newspaper. 

The six-member panel, headed by former Supreme Court judge Justice A.M. Sapre, is learnt to have visited the SEBI headquarters earlier this week. The court-appointed committee comprises O.P. Bhatt, Justice J.P. Devadhar, K.V. Kamath, Nandan Nilekani, and Somasekharan Sundaresan.

The newspaper reports that SEBI has been collecting detailed information over the past two weeks. This pertains to related-party transactions done by the 10 listed and unlisted firms belonging to the power-to-port conglomerate, which has seen massive growth during the government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. 

SEBI has also sought details on the shareholding patterns, disclosures and other information to corroborate the group’s published numbers and claims. Two separate teams are on the matter to look at alleged manipulation in Adani group shares, along with market movements before and after the publication of the report, said Business Standard.

Hours After Arrival, Some Sudan Evacuees Without Yellow Fever Certificates Taken to Quarantine

When contacted, MEA officials indicated that they were aware of the problem with the certificate at the airports on Friday but insisted that the health ministry had to take the call.

New Delhi: After escaping from Sudan and through Jeddah, Baruba Sabir was hoping to finally reach home on arrival in India. But he got a rude shock after landing at Bengaluru airport on the evening of Friday, April 28. 

Till now, passengers of the first two flights that had landed with Indian nationals from Sudan at Delhi and Mumbai had had a smooth journey back to their homes. But the next two flights – which landed in Delhi and Bengaluru – on Friday had a different reception. Several passengers had to stay at the airport for more than six hours, with airport officials insisting that they had to furnish their yellow fever certification.

The Wire has learnt that after a six-hour wait, those in Bengaluru without the yellow fever certificate were taken to a hospital for a six-day quarantine. However, this was done for only around 25 people in Bengaluru. Some of those who landed in Delhi and could not furnish a yellow fever certificate were also taken to quarantine centres, although some others may have been allowed to leave after negotiating at the airport for hours.

The evacuees were forced to navigate violent gunfire to reach the designated pick-up points for buses, making their journey perilous from the outset. Following a gruelling 20-hour bus ride to Port Sudan, they then travelled across the Red Sea to Jeddah, either via an Indian warship or military plane. From Jeddah, they then boarded commercial or military planes for the final five-hour leg of their journey

According to health ministry guidelines, passengers travelling to and from yellow fever endemic countries have to show a vaccination certificate to immigration officers. However, the evacuees on the first two flights from Sudan to Delhi and Mumbai which landed on Wednesday and Thursday did not report such insistent demands from airport officials, as per passengers who spoke with The Wire.

Most of the passengers are on multiple WhatsApp groups created for coordinating the evacuation process from Sudan. This means that most of them were usually in the know what would be needed during the journey and upon arrival.

Therefore, when one Supriya landed at the Kempegowda International Airport in Bengaluru with her husband and one-year-old son at around 5 pm, she hoped to leave soon and finish their long journey. Seven hours after she landed, she and her family were taken to the hospital to quarantine, at around midnight.

“We had left many of our documents at home as we moved to a friend’s place for safety, thinking that the war will continue for only a couple of days. But, we couldn’t go back and had to go straight for evacuation from the place where we all were staying in one room,” she said on phone from the airport, explaining why she did not have her vaccination certificate. Supriya has been living in Sudan with her husband for six years.

Similar to Supriya, there were scores of others who were forced to leave Sudan on short notice, with several losing their passports and certificates. The Indian embassy’s camp office at Port Sudan issued several temporary travel documents to Indians who did not have passports with them.

Baruba Sabir, who worked as a technician in an oxygen plant in Khartoum, had left his vaccination certificate behind. “I had just got it only four months ago in December. That’s what hurts more. I had forgotten to get it, but when we heard that passengers in the earlier two flights were not asked for it, I was a bit more relaxed. But, now after landing here, they are not letting us go till we show our certificate”.

Sabir too was taken to the hospital to quarantine.

In the same flight to Bengaluru, there were around 100 members from the Hakki Pikki tribe, a semi-nomadic group in Karnataka. The Hakki Pikki members travel to various countries with their families to stay for months at a stretch to sell medicinal oil.

 

Their plight in Sudan became well-known when Congress leader Siddaramaiah tweeted about their situation. This provoked a rebuke from external affairs minister S. Jaishankar, who accused him of “playing politics.”

The Indian government has named the operation for evacuation of Indians from Sudan after Kaveri, a major river that flows through Karnataka, where Congress and BJP are campaigning for next month’s elections.

It is learnt that the Hakki Pikki members on the flight were separated on arrival and their clearance was done on priority.

Another passenger who landed at Delhi airport at around 4 pm on Friday said that he got immigration clearance only after five hours. He was also questioned about their yellow fever vaccination certificate, which he didn’t have. But he was finally allowed to leave after having been made to run from official to official. “Nobody knew what to do and we have been called many times to the gate and returned back again,” he said.

When the news about vaccination certificate began trickling into the WhatsApp groups, there was a lot of confusion, especially for those waiting to board a flight to India at Jeddah. Many of them contacted the Minister of State of External Affairs, V. Muraleedharan, in Jeddah through political connections. Muraleedharan is learned to have assured them of a resolution.

When contacted, MEA officials indicated that they were aware of the problem with the certificate at the airports on Friday but insisted that the health ministry had to take the call.

By Friday, 1,360 Indians had returned to India on four flights from Jeddah. In total, around 3,400 Indian nationals had registered with the Indian embassy for evacuation after the start of the fighting on April 14.

‘The Impossible Takes a Little Longer’: From Argentina to Israel, Capturing Resistance in Art

Jessica Sharon grew up in Argentina and then moved to Israel. She reflects on the recent protests in Israel and her life of witnessing dissent.

I came to Israel 20 years ago from Argentina, carrying the wounds of a murderous dictatorship and neoliberalism that killed my country.

I grew up in a house with three floors and a pool, but in December 2001 when the state raided us, we had nothing to eat. The president announced on television that the country is under martial law and all the money disappeared from bank accounts.

People took to the streets in a manner that was spontaneous. There were millions of us. About 30 people were killed in those days as a result of violence at a police station, and two days later the president escaped with a helicopter along with all the bank managers.

And we were left to deal with a shattered country.

Twenty years before that, she was a dictatorship in which 30,000 left-wing activists were murdered, including about 2,500 Jews. They were thrown from planes into the river.

What was it to be leftist? It was to be a social activist, student, retiree, journalist, worker, housewife and even child. Just anyone who tried to oppose the dictatorship.

When the crisis happened in 2001, my family was afraid for my safety and suggested that I come to Israel. As an Italian citizen, I could also have gone to Italy, but because of my relationship with my Jewish grandparents from my mother’s side from a young age and my curiosity towards Israel, I went there instead.

As someone who grew up on socialist values, ​​I thought this is what I wanted to try to realise in my life.

As a new immigrant, it was encouraging for me to see that I was given an allowance of 700 shekels to start building my life. Although it was a small amount, it was not taken for granted and I was always grateful for it. It took me many years to understand the language, culture and history of this place.

In Argentina, I volunteered at the Holocaust Museum from the age of 15, even though my family immigrated to Argentina from Syria and Lebanon and were not victims of the Holocaust.

The first time I felt racism towards me in Israel was when I found out that the language they spoke at my grandparents’ house was Arabic, and that I knew it better than Hebrew. This was something to hide and be ashamed of. Grandfather used to tell us that we were Jewish-Arabs; they lived peacefully, with both cultures together. It took me a while to understand this language is actually called “Mizrahim”.

I lived for several years in Kibbutz Tzuva and they were my family. Thanks to them I managed to integrate into society, work and study even though I barely knew the language. as

Coming from a place of social activism I couldn’t understand, why it didn’t exist here. Until my friends talked to me about that day in 1995 when they were at a demonstration for peace and experienced Rabin’s murder before their eyes. How can you ask them to go out and protest?

At that age, we went out into the streets and shouted at the dictators to tell us where the children they kidnapped are. We were who we were. For us, our parents had experienced intense trauma. In Israel, it was this very generation who had seen that trauma.

When I recently returned from Argentina, into the heart of the protests in Israel, I saw despair, fear and disappointment in your faces. These are the faces I remember from the crisis of 2001 in Argentina. The faces that were expressed so beautifully by Diego Rivera in his paintings.

It was sad to see those faces again – but I was also happy that you finally woke up and came to the realisation that you are not ready to be hurt by people who do not share the same ethics and morals as you.

I chose to be an activist-artist because over the years in Argentina, it was the artists who showed us the signs of what was happening and reminded us not to give up on our rights. Today, I feel that democracy is in danger; I have to think twice before I talk about a controversial topic.

You chose to be on the right side of history. Don’t let despair wear you down.

This is your time to fight non-violently. Persistence is your strength and may justice come in the end.

As they used to say with us, the impossible takes a little longer.

All paintings by Jessica Sharon.

Jessica Sharon is an artist-activist based in Israel.

SC Directs All States, UTs to Register Cases of Hate Speech Even if There’s No Formal Complaint

The apex court underlined that a delay in registering such cases would be considered contempt of court.

New Delhi: Calling hate speech a serious offence that can affect the secular fabric of India, the Supreme Court on Friday, April 28 directed all states to suo moto register cases of such offences even if there is no formal complaint.

The apex court underlined that a delay in registering such cases would be considered contempt of court.

Hearing a petition by journalist Shaheen Abdullah, a bench of Justices K.M. Joseph and B.V. Nagarathna said that its order on October 21, 2022 to three states – Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Delhi – would be extended from now on to all states and Union Territories. In 2022, the bench had ordered these states to register cases against those who deliver hate speeches based on Abdullah’s petition. She had then urged the apex court to extend the order nationwide, which it granted on Friday keeping in mind the growing instances of hate speeches.

The bench said, “The judges are apolitical and not concerned with party A or party B and the only thing they have in mind is the Constitution of India.”

It said “the court has been entertaining petitions against hate speeches in different parts of the country for ‘larger public good’ and to ensure establishment of ‘the rule of law’,” reported The Telegraph. The top court said any delay on the part of the administration in taking action on “this very serious issue” would invite the court’s contempt.

Also read: ‘When Politics and Religion Are Segregated, This’ll Stop’: 8 Quotes From SC’s Words on Hate Speech

In March, the bench, during a hearing of the case in a petition against hate speech in Maharashtra, had come down heavily on the state. It had said that instances of hate speech had been happening because “the state is impotent, state is powerless, it doesn’t act in time. Why do we have a state at all if it is remaining silent?” It had said that such instances would stop “the moment politics and religion are segregated”.

Justice Joseph had then said, “The minorities also have rights under the Constitution recognised by the founding fathers…[The] most important thing for a man is dignity; not wealth, health. If it is being demolished on a regular basis…Some statements are made, like, ‘Go to Pakistan’. They are those persons who had actually chosen this country. They are like our brothers and sisters…If we want to become a superpower, the first thing we need is rule of law…it speaks about brotherhood.”

Women Followed Process but Only SC Petition Could Force Police to File FIR Against WFI Chief

Reports show that women wrestlers made complaints of incidents of sexual harassment that date back to 2016. In this case, the person accused is not only the head of the federation but also has the backing of political influence.

It is a national shame that it took several rounds of protests by our women wrestlers before the Delhi Police responded to their allegations of sexual harassment. On April 28, the Solicitor General informed the Supreme Court that it had decided to register a first information report (FIR) on complaints of sexual harassment and misconduct against Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh, president of the Wrestling Federation of India and a sitting member of parliament from the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party.

In law, an FIR is registered on information of a cognizable offence. The government’s submission on April 28 regarding the registration of an FIR is an acknowledgment that a cognizable offence had been committed. What then explains the delay and resistance to filing an FIR in the first instance?

From what is available in the public domain, even a minor has made a complaint, which automatically attracts serious provisions under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012. The Act mandates that any person who has knowledge that an offence has been committed shall provide such information to the local police and failure to report the commission of such offence is itself punishable.

Additionally, the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013, makes it obligatory upon an employer to provide a safe workplace, provide assistance to women to file a complaint in relation to an offence under the Indian Penal Code or any other law, and treat sexual harassment as misconduct under the service rules.

When the president of a sporting federation is accused of sexual misconduct, the Indian Olympic Association, the Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports, the Ministry of Women and Child Development, failed to take appropriate action as mandated by law. The Wrestling Federation of India appears to have abdicated all responsibility that legally accrues when complaints are received.

Reports show that women wrestlers made complaints of incidents of sexual harassment that date back to 2016. The women have alleged that there have been attempts to intimidate and threaten them for lodging their complaints. This incident shows how women continue to face difficulty in registering complaints of sexual harassment at the workplace against those who outrank them in privilege and power. In this case, the person accused is not only the head of the federation but also has the backing of political influence.

Also read: Listen to Our Mann Ki Baat, Protesting Wrestlers Tell Prime Minister Modi

Just a few years ago, the MeToo platform was condemned saying women had not followed due process and it was argued that women had chosen to publicly expose the sexual misdemeanours of their male colleagues and superiors in a way that was not just or fair.

Women used the MeToo platform because there was institutional failure to address their grievances. Ironically, the women wrestlers sought institutional redress, and yet it took a Supreme Court petition to force the Delhi Police into assuring that an FIR would be registered.

It is clear that often, complaints of sexual harassment do not receive redressal or recognition until sustained public action is organised. The courage of women who speak up must be lauded as they often open themselves up not only to social backlash, but even the possibility of defamation proceedings being initiated against them.

It must be noted that the wrestlers protesting are men and women who are putting their sporting careers at risk by making their allegations public. It also invites the following question: if this is the plight of athletes of stature who are able to easily access public platforms, what are the obstacles faced by ordinary women? The issue of sexual harassment of women, it must be remembered, is pervasive and transcends professions and workplaces.

What this incident has also established is that often, an offence of sexual harassment and assault is committed by the same individual and failure to hold him to account results in normalisation of such conduct. The fact that multiple women from the same federation have disclosed instances of harassment at the hands of the WFI president establishes a culpable pattern of sexual misconduct.

Government bodies must be held to a higher standard of accountability in order to renew women’s confidence in the law. This is the responsibility that we have not only to athletes who represent our nation, but also to ordinary citizens.

The writer is a senior advocate at the Supreme Court.

Maharashtra: Protests Against Barsu-Solgaon Refinery Intensify as Govt Goes Ahead With Land Survey

Vinayak Raut, Lok Sabha MP from Ratnagiri-Sindhudurg constituency, and a senior leader of the Sena (Uddhav Bal Thackeray) faction visited the protest site early Friday. The police detained him along with a few other party workers. It reportedly resorted to tear gas to disperse the protesters.

Mumbai: “If we don’t stop the government right now, we will soon be turning our ancestral land into an unbreathable, unliveable space,” says Kashibai, a 60-year-old resident of Dhopeshwar Panchayat, as she participated in the ongoing protests at Maharashtra’s Barsu-Solgaon.

Locals are protesting against the setting up of the biggest petrochemical refinery in the country in this area.

The residents of Barsu-Solgaon and the adjoining eight villages in the Ratnagiri district of coastal Maharashtra intensified their protest as soon as the state government decided to go ahead with the land survey process for the proposed oil refinery in the area. The survey, the protesters feel, will give the state a ground to shove a “dangerous project” that they vehemently oppose.

The project – a joint venture between Indian Oil Corporation Ltd, Bharat Petroleum Corporation Ltd and Hindustan Petroleum Corporation Ltd, and Saudi Arabia-owned Aramco and UAE’s National Oil Company – was earlier planned in the neighbouring village of Nanar. It was scrapped in 2019 after locals protested against it. At the time, it was termed as detrimental to the environment of the Konkan region. However, it made a comeback two years later, only two kilometers away in the Barsu-Salgaon area. And this time, it came back as a “green project”.

“Nothing about the project has changed. Still, the government has suddenly classified the project as a green project,” said a young protester, who is pursuing an architecture degree in Mumbai and has been staying in his native place for the past month to participate in the protest.

Vinayak Raut, Lok Sabha MP from Ratnagiri-Sindhudurg constituency, and a senior leader of the Sena (Uddhav Bal Thackeray) faction visited the protest site early Friday, April 28. He, along with a few other party workers, have been detained by the police.

With Raut extending his support, more people turned up at the protest site. The police reportedly resorted to tear gas to disperse the protesters. A few protesters accused the police of using force, causing them injury.

On April 24, the protesters poured onto the street against the planned survey of the land. The state, too, upped its ante by increasing police deployment. The local administration invoked section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC), prohibiting people from gathering at the protest site. Undeterred, the protesters stayed put.

As the protesters univocally raised slogans against the state, the police used force. Over 100 protestors, mainly women, were roughed up and later detained for a day. Satyajit Chavan, a civil engineer, who has been leading the protest, was taken into police custody.

Chavan was taken into custody under multiple cases and released only three days later on bail. The police first took him into custody for participating in the protest. Then another case was slapped against him following his social media post asking people to gather for the protest. He was finally released on bail on April 27 afternoon.

Chavan, however, has been barred from entering the Ratnagiri district for 15 days. “The moment I was released from jail, the police escorted me and dropped me to Kolhapur,” he told The Wire on a phone call.

Satyajit Chavan, a civil engineer, who has been leading the protest, was taken into police custody.

While Chavan has been an active part of the protest, his friend Mangesh Chavan was also arrested and later barred from entering the district.

Mangesh, owing to his bad health, had not participated in the protest, Satyajit Chavan said. “I had only gone to his place to change clothes. The police implicated him, too. This was perhaps because of his part role in another movement against the Jaitapur nuclear power plant,” Mangesh said.

A ‘green’ project?

While the government insists it is a “green refinery project”,  the locals say it will not just pollute their land but will also take away their ancestral land and temples. The affected villages largely comprise of communities like the Kunbi, Bhandari and Koli – all belonging to the Other Backward Classes.

The project has taken an interesting political turn. Ahead of the 2019 assembly polls,  the Shiv Sena, then an alliance partner of the Bharatiya Janata Party, was willing to get into a pre-poll alliance only if the BJP agreed to scrap the project.

The then chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, buckling under pressure, had put a stay on the project. In 2022, however, when the Maha Vikas Aghadi was in power and Uddhav Thackeray was the chief minister, the Barsu-Solgaon project was passed. In his defence, Thackeray now says his plan was to go ahead with the project only after getting the villagers’ consent.

“Good projects like Vedanta-Foxconn, Tata-Airbus and Bulk Drug Park, which were coming to Maharashtra, were shifted by this government outside the state. And now, [the government is] sending the refinery project to Barsu. You are calling it a green refinery project. If it’s really a green refinery project and good for the locals, then why the government has to use force against the protesting villagers? You assaulted women and dragged them,” Thackeray said, at a separate event in Mumbai. Thackeray is scheduled to visit the protest site next week.

Meanwhile, leader of opposition and Nationalist Congress Party leader Ajit Pawar demanded the state to stop the project and take the villagers’ sentiments into consideration. “It is dictatorial of the government to arrest protesters and stop the media from telecasting the proceedings at Barsu-Solgaon. The government must respect the sentiments of the people and stop the survey process immediately,” said Pawar.

His uncle and NCP chief Sharad Pawar appealed to the government to take the villagers into confidence.

Interestingly, while Thackeray has supported the protesters, his party MLA Rajan Salvi, who represents the Rajapur region in the district, has supported the project. According to Salvi, the project will generate employment, something that the local youths are in dire need of, he claimed.

Chavan, who has been studying the land and the impact that this project would have on the region, found out that investors had been buying land from the local villagers even before the project was announced. Information procured under the Right to Information Act shows that many politicians and land brokers have bought land in the region. The new landowners don’t belong to coastal Maharashtra and their sudden interest in the land has raised suspicion. Among the new buyers include former suspended MLA of Congress party, Ashish Deshmukh. The records show Deshmukh purchased 18 acres of land in the village in 2022.

Ashish, who was in the BJP, defeated his uncle Anil Deshmukh in 2014 from the Katol constituency in Nagpur. He had subsequently joined the Congress. He later contested against Fadnavis and lost. Recently, he was suspended from the party for alleging that the state party president Nana Patole had accepted money from chief minister Eknath Shinde.